scholarly journals SADC Mediation in Zimbabwe's Global Political Agreement (GPA): A Reflection on Opportunities and Complexities

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Modeni M. Sibanda

This article analyses the opportunities and complexities of the SADC mediation in Zimbabwe’s Global Political Agreement (GPA) in facilitating and operationalising theprinciples and values of peace, security, human rights and democracy as set out in Article 4 of the SADC treaty. It attempts to interrogate the extent to which the regional grouping’s mechanisms for enforcing its principles and values have been successful.   The article argues that despite SADC’s noble commitment to promoting the development of democratic institutions and practices, as well as encouraging the observance of universal human rights, peace and security, the resolution of the Zimbabwe crisis shows that, in practice, the operationalisation of SADC protocol principles and values have been a sorry saga of delays, secrecy, purported agreements and nothing concrete coming out of it.  Using the Zimbabwe case study, this article further argues that SADC either lacks appropriate power and authority or is reluctant to hold member states accountable.  This seems so, given that as a regional body, it has allowed itself to be utterly inadequate to the task envisioned by the organ in resolving the Zimbabwe crisis. The paper concludes that the sum of all this has had the effect of exposing SADC and it being perceived as a weak regional organisation.

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-173
Author(s):  
Kumush Suyunova

Summary Human rights are indivisible. The EU holds resolute tone against the challenges of universal human rights. As an adequate method of governance the EU acknowledges the rule of law that encompasses transparent and reliable legal system, an independent judiciary, prevention of arbitrary executive power; legal egalitarianism and respect for rights and freedoms of individuals. The concept of democracy determines the values behind the governance of a country. Thus, the EU’s vision of democracy comprises several principles: political equality, representative and participative democracy, which include fair elections, separation of power, effective checks and balances. However, despite the EU’s efforts to promote human rights, rule of law and democracy, some member States are still lagging behind the overall positive achievement. Hungary, who pick up illiberal democracy over established European values, has become the focus of attention.


2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 347-366
Author(s):  
Jari Pirjola

AbstractThe tension between universal human rights commitments and particular interests of the EU or its Member States is at the heart of the creation of a common asylum system. This article explores some of the inherent and structural contradictions as well as the sometimes hidden paradoxes that affect the creation of common asylum policies. The development of the European asylum system is examined as a process of including and excluding. It is argued that open, abstract and empty human rights commitments can provide only limited guidance on how to develop migration and asylum policies in Europe. We should not try to hide the development of the European asylum system behind the obscurity of legal reasoning or institutionalized rights language, but see the emerging common asylum system as a result of different and often conflicting priorities, power struggles and ideological influences.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-218
Author(s):  
Jessica Priscilla Suri

AbstractThe United Nations Security Council (SC) holds the primary responsibility to maintain international peace and security as stipulated in Article 24 of the United Nations Charter (UN Charter). The emergence of international terrorism as a threat to international peace and security encourages the SC to impose sanctions in the form of assets freeze, travel ban and arms embargo towards targeted individuals through the SC Resolutions on Taliban, Al-Qaida and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). However, the implementation of UN targeted sanctions towards individuals has been violating the targeted individual’s human rights to property, rights of movement, rights to privacy, honor and reputation, and also the rights to a fair trial. This article will explain about the legitimation of the SC Resolutions in imposing sanction towards an individual, and the obligation of UN member states towards the SC resolution that imposes sanctions against its citizen. The violations of human rights stemming from the implementation of SC Resolutions on sanction towards individuals indicate that the resolutions have been adopted beyond the limits of international law. Therefore this condition makes the resolutions lost its legitimacy under international law. In accordance with Article 25 and 103 of the UN Charter, all member states have an obligation to accept, carry on and give priority to the obligation originating from the SC Resolution including to implement the sanction measures towards individuals. Nevertheless, member states must accommodate and harmonize its obligations in respecting, protecting and fulfilling all the individuals’ rights who are targeted by the SC along with its obligation to the SC Resolutions. Keywords: Human Rights, Sanction towards Individuals, United Nations Security Council.AbstrakDewan Keamanan Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (DK) memiliki tanggungjawab utama untuk menjaga perdamaian dan keamanan internasional berdasarkan Pasal 24 Piagam PBB. Munculnya terorisme internasional sebagai ancaman terhadap perdamaian dan keamanan internasional mendorong DK untuk menjatuhkan sanksi berupa pembekuan aset, pelarangan perjalanan serta embargo senjata kepada individu yang ditargetkan melalui rezim Resolusi Taliban, Al-Qaida dan Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). Dalam penerapannya penjatuhan sanksi tersebut menimbulkan pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) yaitu hak terhadap properti, hak kebebasan berpindah, hak atas privasi, kehormatan dan reputasi serta hak atas proses pengadilan yang adil. Pelanggaran HAM tersebut memunculkan tujuan dilakukannya penulisan artikel ini yaitu untuk menunjukan mengenai legitimasi resolusi DK yang menjatuhkan sanksi kepada individu, serta memaparkan mengenai kewajiban negara anggota PBB terhadap resolusi DK yang menjatuhkan sanksi kepada warga negaranya. Pelanggaran HAM yang disebabkan oleh penerapan penjatuhan sanksi terhadap individu mengindikasikan bahwa resolusi yang mendasari penjatuhan sanksi tersebut diadopsi dengan melampaui batasan-batasan penjatuhan sanksi DK dan telah kehilangan legitimasinya menurut hukum internasional. Sehingga meskipun negara memiliki kewajiban berdasarkan Pasal 25 dan 103 Piagam PBB untuk tetap menerima, melaksanakan dan mengutamakan kewajibannya berdasarkan Resolusi DK yang menjatuhkan sanksi terhadap individu, negara tetap harus mengakomodir dan mengharmonisasikan kewajibannya dalam menghormati, melindungi dan memenuhi HAM individu yang dijatuhkan sanksi saat melaksanakan kewajibannya yang berasal dari Resolusi DK. Kata Kunci: Dewan Keamanan Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa, Hak Asasi Manusia, Sanksi terhadap Individu


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (54) ◽  
pp. 151-170
Author(s):  
Marco Omizzolo ◽  
Pina Sodano

Abstract This paper examines the process of the externalization and the militarization of the European borders and the containment of third-country refugees, especially the Sub-Saharan Africans, for European political reasons. This leads to the human rights violation of millions of them. This essay is focused on Libya as a case-study. Starting with the concept of borders in the general theory of “States” then moving to analyse the concept of European “Meta-borders” in Africa. The analysis begins with the agreements between EU member states and third countries. The paper also reflects on the necessity of overcoming traditional models of analyzing the migration flows, introducing the concept of “turbulent migration”.


Author(s):  
Annika Björkdahl ◽  
Johanna Mannergren Selimovic

Civil society is often understood as a normative vehicle for the promotion of human rights and democracy, as it plays a central role in ensuring gender equality and advocating for local ownership in the decision-making processes of states. Civil society agents and organizations have been instrumental in promoting and advancing the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda. In this chapter, we examine the experiences of Bosnian Civil Society Organizations (CSO) and their activities to advance a gender-just peace. Drawing on examples from the Bosnian case study, we argue that women civil society organizations are key actors, as they not only set the agenda when it comes to WPS, they also play a key role in ensuring that the WPS principles are institutionalized and operationalized in policy. Moreover, we observe that women CSOs are particularly successful in advocating for the needs of victims of conflict-related sexual-based violence.


2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 533-558 ◽  
Author(s):  
SIMON KOSCHUT

AbstractWhat doAl-Qaeda, Human Rights Watch, and NATO have in common? They can all be understood as emotional communities. Emotional communities are ‘groups in which people adhere to the same norms of emotional expression and value – or devalue – the same or related emotions’. This article develops a conceptual framework for a particular type of emotional community in world politics: a security community. It is argued that emotion norms – the expression of appropriate emotions in a given situation – stabilise a security community during inter-allied conflict. The argument is illustrated by an empirical case study of NATO's military intervention in Libya in 2011. The article shows how the conceptualisation of security communities as emotional communities has significant implications for the study of regional peace and security.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-113
Author(s):  
Danielle Putri Ratu

Abstract Australia, as one of the first dialogue partners of ASEAN has been one of the subjects in a continuous discussion over the need to further integrate Australia within ASEAN and therefore making Australia as one of the Member States of ASEAN. This is accompanied with the idea of advancing the partnership, bearing in mind the many accomplishments that the partnership have yielded. However, there are varying complex issues at hand regarding Australia's membership. A membership would mean compliance with the ASEAN Charter, where it is found to be difficult for Australia in fulfilling all the needed requirements and may restrict Australia in certain fields of concern, one of which is human rights policies. ASEAN is known for its ASEAN Way, which is a non-interference and consensus based method in resolving issues and maintaining peace and security, that includes human rights. This has generated criticism in ASEAN's inability to protect human rights while also failing to hold accountability of human rights law violations. This is also due to the inadequate legal instruments that does not provide a proper protection and prevention of human rights violations. In relation to Australia's membership, this would create a conflicting issue since there are several differences between Australia and ASEAN regarding human rights policies, along with its values. As there seems to be no urgency to integrate Australia as a member into ASEAN, therefore membership is not needed to avoid unwanted conflict and partnership between the party can still be built as dialogue partners. Keywords: ASEAN, Australia, Human Rights Law   Abstrak Australia sebagai salah satu negara pertama yang menjadi dialogue partner ASEAN seringkali menjadi subjek diskusi mengenai keinginan untuk mengintegrasikan Australia dengan ASEAN dan kemudian menjadikan Australia sebagai salah satu anggota dari ASEAN. Hal ini disertai pula dengan ide untuk meningkatkan kerja sama yang telah ada, mengingat berbagai keberhasilan yang telah dihasilkan dari padanya. Namun, terdapat beberapa permasalahan yang ada mengenai keanggotaan Australia. Keanggotaan akan berarti kepatuhan terhadap Piagam ASEAN, dimana akan sulit bagi Australia untuk memenuhi semua persyaratan yang ada dan memunculkan kemungkinan bagi Australia untuk terhalangi di beberapa aspek, yang salah satunya merupakan hukum hak asasi manusia. ASEAN itu sendiri dikenal dengan ASEAN Way, yang merupakan suatu metode yang didasarkan dengan non-intervensi dan konsensus dalam menyelesaikan masalah dan dalam menjaga keamanan dan kedamaian yang juga berkaitan dengan hak asasi manusia. Hal ini telah memunculkan kritik terhadap ketidakmampuan ASEAN dalam melindungi hak asasi manusia dan meminta pertanggungjawaban atas pelanggaran hukum hak asasi manusia. Hal ini juga dikarenakan instrumen hukum yang tidak memadai karena tidak menyediakan perlindungan dan pencegahan yang cukup terhadap pelanggaran hukum hak asasi manusia. Dihubungkan dengan keanggotaan Australia, maka hal ini akan memunculkan permasalahan yang bertabrakan dimana adanya perbedaan antara Australia dan ASEAN mengenai hukum hak asasi manusia, beserta nilai-nilai yang dipegang. Oleh karena tidak adanya urgensi untuk keanggotaan Australia, maka keanggotaan itu tidak diperlukan demi menghindari konflik yang tidak diinginkan dan kerjasama antara keduanya masih dapat dibangun dengan dasar sebagai dialogue partner. Kata Kunci: ASEAN, Australia, Hukum Hak Asasi Manusia


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 243-249
Author(s):  
Gina Zheng

There is no denying that human rights play an integral role in our social and legal existence. However, contemporary developments of rights-based discourse have become preclusive to cultural accommodation. Drawing on a case-study of the application of Western conceptions of human rights in Papua New Guinea, this work will illustrate Mutua’s argument that the dissemination of rights-based discourse through hegemonic voices can undermine the universality and effective application of rights-based doctrines in non-Western contexts. This article will thus argue that informing rights-based discourse with local-cultural circumstances and social values is necessary for the genuine achievement of ‘universal’ human rights.


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