Voter Identification Laws: The Controversy over Voter Fraud

2013 ◽  
pp. 97-142
Author(s):  
Lucas A. Powe

This chapter discusses the legal battles over the issue on voting rights in Texas. The Voting Rights Act, with its preclearance requirements for the South, was adopted in 1965 and reauthorized in 1970, 1975, 1982, and 2006. A few days after the 2006 reauthorization, the municipal utility district (MUD), created in Austin, Texas, in the 1980s, sued the U.S. attorney general, claiming that it should be allowed the advantage of the “bailout” (from preclearance) provisions of the Act. Edward Blum was the man behind the lawsuit. The chapter examines the MUD case and the one that followed it, Shelby County v. Holder. It also considers the efforts of Republicans to prevent voter fraud in the state through voter identification, resulting in SB 14, or voter ID bill, in the Texas Senate.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (01) ◽  
pp. 117-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Vercellotti ◽  
David Andersen

Debates over whether to require voters to provide proof of identity at the polls, and just how that can be accomplished, are taking place in legislative chambers and courtrooms across the nation. At the heart of these debates is the balancing act of ballot security versus access to voting. Opponents of voter-identification requirements argue that they place a disproportionate burden on ethnic and racial minorities, the poor, the less educated, the very young, and the very old. Supporters of identification requirements argue the standards are no higher than those required for boarding a plane or cashing a check, and the requirements are needed to prevent voter fraud.


2012 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 233-243
Author(s):  
David Schultz

The dispute over the extent of voter fraud and voter identification is certain to affect to the 2012 elections. But this debate is muddled in a methodological and evidentiary mess, conducted with little or no reliable data. This article examines the methodological issues in studying voter fraud. The basic argument is that arguments about fraud are often made without reference to a methodology dictated by good social science research. In effect, assertions of voter fraud often invoke untestable claims. Second, inference that the few reported instances of fraud are proof of more extensive occurrences is baseless to the extent that parallels are drawn to speeding or littering. The latter do not pro- vide an analogy to voter fraud. Thus, assertions about voter fraud have generally failed to provide serious social science evidence or testable propositions to test claims.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon Pennycook ◽  
David Gertler Rand

The 2020 U.S. Presidential Election saw an unprecedented number of false claims alleging election fraud and arguing that Donald Trump was the actual winner of the election. Here we report a survey exploring belief in these false claims that was conducted three days after Biden was declared the winner. We find that a majority of Trump voters in our sample – particularly those who were more politically knowl-edgeable and more closely following election news – falsely believed that election fraud was wide-spread and that Trump won the election. Thus, false beliefs about the election are not merely a fringe phenomenon. We also find that Trump conceding or losing his legal challenges would likely lead a ma-jority of Trump voters to accept Biden’s victory as legitimate, although 40% said they would continue to view Biden as illegitimate regardless. Finally, we found that levels of partisan spite and endorsement of violence were equivalent between Trump and Biden voters.


2021 ◽  
Vol 69 ◽  
pp. 102244
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Sheagley ◽  
Adriano Udani

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 560-588 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel R. Biggers ◽  
Michael J. Hanmer

Recently, many states have reversed the decades-long trend of facilitating ballot access by enacting a wave of laws requesting or requiring identification from registrants before they vote. Identification laws, however, are not an entirely new phenomenon. We offer new theoretical insights regarding how changes in political power influence the adoption of identification laws. In the most extensive analysis to date, we use event history analysis to examine why states adopted a range of identification laws over the past several decades. We consistently find that the propensity to adopt is greatest when control of the governor’s office and legislature switches to Republicans (relationships not previously identified), and that this likelihood increases further as the size of Black and Latino populations in the state expands. We also find that federal legislation in the form of the Help America Vote Act seems to enhance the effects of switches in partisan control.


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