From environmental (movement) organizations to the organizing of environmental collective action

Author(s):  
Mario Diani
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyung Park

This article investigates how multiple movement structures interplayed with each other in collective action/social movements in South Korea over the period, 2003-2004. By employing advanced methods in social network analysis, meta-network representation, analysis of structural association, and analysis of structural sequence, this article aims to complement existing paradigms of social movement research. Specifically, it investigates the forces that led environmental movement organizations (EMOs) to form coalitions based on the structured relations between governing personnel, movement ideologies and coalitions. The findings suggest that sharing similar ideologies facilitated coalition formation among EMOs and the role of coordination between governing personnel across the EMOs was marginal. Furthermore, a few leading EMOs were central actors across different movement structures, though religiously affiliated Green Christ and Catholic Environmental Network were also active in coalition formation. The framework and the findings further scholarship on collective action among organizations of varying forms (e.g., firms, unions) in the environ-mental movement sector and in other societal settings as well.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 137-156
Author(s):  
Arnošt Novák

Direct actions constitute an important repertoire of action for environmental movements in Western countries. This article differentiates two ideal types of this repertoire of action: the anarchist concept, which understands direct action in terms of values and as a preferred way of doing things; and the liberal concept, which uses direct action in an instrumental way. Based on my empirical research in post-socialist Czech Republic, the article focuses on debates over environmentalism and, to be more precise, on uses of direct actions by environmental organizations. It explains why the liberal concept was very limited and why direct action as a preferred way of doing things has not become a part of the repertoire of collective action. The article argues that the movement was politically moderate due to a combination of reasons: the very specific historical experience of the Czech environmental movement, which inclines it to use dialogue rather than confrontations with power; the fear of political hostility and marginalization by the state; and the internal dynamics of the environmental milieu.


Author(s):  
Paul Lichterman

This article proposes a new and better concept of civic culture and shows how it can benefit sociology. It argues that a better concept of civic culture gives us a stronger, comparative, and contextual perspective on voluntary associations—the conventional American empirical referent for “civic”—while also improving our sociologies of religion and social movements. The article first considers the classic perspective on civic culture and its current incarnations in order to show why we need better conceptual groundwork than they have offered. It then introduces the alternative approach, which is rooted in a pragmatist understanding of collective action and both builds on and departs in some ways from newly prominent understandings of culture in sociology. This approach’s virtues are illustrated with ethnographic examples from a variety of volunteer groups, social movement organizations, and religious associations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (13) ◽  
pp. 1640-1657 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Craig Jenkins ◽  
Jason T. Carmichael ◽  
Robert J. Brulle ◽  
Heather Boughton

We address the long-standing debate between elite theorists and pluralists about the priorities and scale of foundation funding for social movements by examining systematic data on foundation grants to environmental movement organizations (EMOs) between 1961 and 2000. By combining these data with a comprehensive inventory of EMOs that operated in this period, we show that foundation giving favored conservative mainstream environmental discourses, EMOs that avoided protest, older EMOs, and those located in the northeastern seaboard. Despite major growth in the constant dollar value of foundation giving to EMOs, this remains a highly concentrated system of philanthropy with over half of all foundation grants going to the top 20 grant recipients, a third of which have been leading recipients for over five decades. Nonetheless, there is evidence of change in that alternative discourses, especially environmental justice, received over 5% of these grants in 2000.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Staggenborg ◽  
Verta Taylor

Analyses of the women's movement that focus on its "waves" and theories of social movements that focus on contentious politics have encouraged the view that the women's movement is in decline. Employing alternative perspectives on social movements, we show that the women's movement continues to thrive. This is evidenced by organizational maintenance and growth, including the international expansion of women's movement organizations; feminism within institutions and other social movements; the spread of feminist culture and collective identity; and the variety of the movement's tactical repertoires. Moreover, the movement remains capable of contentious collective action. We argue for research based on broader conceptions of social movements as well as the contentious politics approach.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-310
Author(s):  
Adam C. Howe ◽  
Mark C. J. Stoddart ◽  
David B. Tindall

In this article we analyze how media coverage for environmental actors (individual environmental activists and environmental movement organizations) is associated with their perceived policy influence in Canadian climate change policy networks. We conceptualize media coverage as the total number of media mentions an actor received in Canada’s two main national newspapers—the <em>Globe and Mail</em> and <em>National Post</em>. We conceptualize perceived policy influence as the total number of times an actor was nominated by other actors in a policy network as being perceived to be influential in domestic climate change policy making in Canada. Literature from the field of social movements, agenda setting, and policy networks suggests that environmental actors who garner more media coverage should be perceived as more influential in policy networks than actors who garner less coverage. We assess support for this main hypothesis in two ways. First, we analyze how actor attributes (such as the type of actor) are associated with the amount of media coverage an actor receives. Second, we evaluate whether being an environmental actor shapes the association between media coverage and perceived policy influence. We find a negative association between media coverage and perceived policy influence for individual activists, but not for environmental movement organizations. This case raises fundamental theoretical questions about the nature of relations between media and policy spheres, and the efficacy of media for signaling and mobilizing policy influence.


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