Reinventing the Concept of Civic Culture

Author(s):  
Paul Lichterman

This article proposes a new and better concept of civic culture and shows how it can benefit sociology. It argues that a better concept of civic culture gives us a stronger, comparative, and contextual perspective on voluntary associations—the conventional American empirical referent for “civic”—while also improving our sociologies of religion and social movements. The article first considers the classic perspective on civic culture and its current incarnations in order to show why we need better conceptual groundwork than they have offered. It then introduces the alternative approach, which is rooted in a pragmatist understanding of collective action and both builds on and departs in some ways from newly prominent understandings of culture in sociology. This approach’s virtues are illustrated with ethnographic examples from a variety of volunteer groups, social movement organizations, and religious associations.

2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 413-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Gaby ◽  
Neal Caren

Social movement scholars have considered several political and cultural consequences of social movements, but have paid limited attention to whether and how social movements shape discourse. We develop a theory of discursive eruption, referring to the ability of radical movements to initially ignite media coverage but not control the content once other actors— particularly those that can take advantage of journalistic norms—enter the discourse. We hold that one long-term outcome of radical social movements is the ability to alter discursive fields through mechanisms such as increasing the salience and content of movement-based issues. We examine the way movements shape discourse by focusing on newspaper articles about inequality before, during, and after the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement. We analyze changes in the salience and content of coverage as well as shifts in actor standing and influence. Using 7,024 articles from eight newspapers, we find that the OWS movement increased media attention to inequality, shifting the focus of the discourse toward movement-based issue areas (e.g., the middle class and minimum wage). Further, we find that compared to the pre-OWS period, the influence of social movement organizations and think tanks rose in discourse on inequality. In addition, the discourse on inequality became more highly politicized as a result of the Occupy movement. These findings highlight the importance of social movements in shaping discourse and indicate that social movement scholars should further consider discursive changes as a consequence of social movements.


2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Lahusen

Although social movement organizations have established themselves successfully on the European level, there is dispute whether the European Union is conducive or detrimental to movement politics. One view is that the EU's particular opportunity structures and styles of policy making subvert unconventional forms of action and participation, thus transforming social movements into a fragmented field of individual interest groups and lobbies. This article critically assesses this perspective. It traces these processes, showing that they were indeed part and parcel of the gradual Europeanization of social movements during the 1970s and 1980s. It then presents evidence that, in the aftermath of the Single European Act of 1986, the European movement sector began moving towards a more integrated multi-level structure. Data drawn from interviews with Euro-level movement activists and EU functionaries present a picture of this new interorganizational structure and multi-level action forms with reference to the European groups working on environmental protection, and human and social rights. It is argued that the present developments stress sectorial and cross-sectorial networking, self-regulation, and common policy deliberation.


1998 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 519-540 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arlene Stein

Fifty years after the end of World War II, the Holocaust is being utilized as a symbolic resource by US social movements. This article investigates social movement “framing” processes, looking at the use of Holocaust rhetoric and imagery by social movement organizations and actors. I explore how competing movements, the lesbian/gay movement and the Christian right, battle over the same symbolic territory, and how the Holocaust frame is deployed by each. Two forms of symbolic appropriation in relation to the Holocaust are documented: metaphor creation and revisionism.


2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dustin Mulvaney ◽  
Anna Zivian

California has been an important site of governance on risks from genetically engineered (GE) organisms. This paper reviews California's efforts to govern the ecological and food safety risks from GE salmon and GE pharmaceutical rice. We explain how a political constellation of actors emerged to pursue precautionary policies, and we discuss the prospects for similar policies elsewhere. We find that regulation of particularly risky objects is possible in some places, particularly where social movement organizations are mobilized and the possible consequences are severe, such as with impacts to wild salmon runs or pharmaceutically contaminated foods. But such regulations may only emerge when they are inconsequential to, or aligned with, the market concerns of dominant economic interests.Key Words: genetically engineered organisms, social movements, biosafety, California.


Author(s):  
Marc Becker

Both Ecuador and Bolivia have gained a reputation for powerful social movements that have repeatedly challenged entrenched political and economic interests that have controlled the countries since their independence from Spain almost two hundred years ago. A wealthy and powerful minority of European descendant landowners ruled the countries to the exclusion of the majority population of impoverished Indigenous farm workers. Repeated well-organized challenges to exclusionary rule in the late 20th century shifted policies and opened political spaces for previously marginalized people. Social movement organizations also altered their language to meet new realities, including incorporating identities as ethnic groups and Indigenous nationalities to advance their agenda. Their efforts contributed to a significant leftward shift in political discourse that led to the election of presidents Evo Morales and Rafael Correa.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gillian Murphy

Censuses reveal an increasing prominence of coalition organizations within transnational social movements. However, the causes and implications of this change are unclear. Using original data on a population of transnational environmental social movement organizations, this research shows that coalition presence is a double-edged sword. While greater numbers of coalitions suggest movement expansion, empirical evidence suggests that this rise makes foundings of new organizations less likely.


2010 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashley Currier

The article theorizes and presents normalization as a movement-level strategy available to social movements dealing with an internal threat. By defining themselves against an internal threat's abnormality through a process of normalization, social movement organizations assert how they and the movement operate within socially and politically respectable parameters. Drawing on ethnographic, interview, and newspaper data, I show how mainstream South African lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement organizations deployed normalization to marginalize and expel an internal threat, the Gay and Lesbian Alliance, between 1998 and 2006.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyen Thi Huyen Trang ◽  
Tran Thi Hoai

Based on the Vietnamese Government’s documents and the practice of societalization of education (SE) in Vietnam over the past years, the paper presents the main causes of the ineffectiveness of SE's policy and compares Vietnam’s SE with the basic characteristics of a general social movement. The paper concludes that there was a need of mobilizing social resources to promote the SE in the current context. Keywords Societalization of education, mobilization of social resources, social movement, primary resource References 1. J.S. Coleman , Social capital in the creation of human capital, American Journal of Sociology (Supplement) 94 (1988) S95–S120.2. B. Edwards, J.D. McCarthy Resource mobilization and social movements, in D.A. Snow, S.A. Soule and H. Kriesi (eds), The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, Blackwell Oxford (2004).3. B. Edwards, M. Kane Resource mobilization and social and political movements in Hein-Anton Van Der Heijden (Eds) Handbook of Political Citizenship and Social Movements, Edward Elgar Publishing Cheltenham and Northampton (2014).4. D.M. Cress, D.A. Snow, Mobilization at the margins: resources, benefactors, and the viability of homeless social movement organizations, American Sociological Review 61(6) (1996) 1089–109.5. D. McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1890–1970, University of Chicago Press. Chicago (1982).6. Nguyễn Văn Thắng Một số vấn đề quản trị trong huy động nguồn lực xã hội cho giáo dục và y tế. Tạp chí Kinh tế và Phát triển 218 (2015) 11-19.7. Ban Chấp hành Trung Ương Hội Khuyến học Việt Nam Báo cáo của Ban Chấp hành trung ương lần thứ 7, nhiệm kỳ IV (2011 – 2015) Hà Nội (2016).8. Đặng Ứng Vận, Nguyễn Thị Huyền Trang Thách thức và giải pháp đối với các trường đại học ngoài công lập Tạp chí Khoa học giáo dục 89 (2013) 16-20.9. Ban Chấp hành trung ương Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam khóa XI, Nghị quyết số 29-NQ/TW ngày 4/11/2013 Hội nghị Trung ương 8 khóa XI về đổi mới căn bản, toàn diện giáo dục và đào tạo, Hà Nội (2015)10. Xem Nghị quyết số 05/2005/NQ-CP ngày 18/04/2005 và Nghị định số 69/2008/NĐ-CP ngày 30/05/2008. Gần đây nhất ngày 16/6/2014 Chính phủ đã ban hành Nghị định số 59/2014/NĐ-CP sửa đổi, bổ sung một số điều của NĐ 69 và sau đó là Thông tư số 156/2014/TT-BTC ngày 23/10/2014 của Bộ Tài chính.11. xem ví dụ Luật GD đại học số 08/2012/QH13 do Quốc hội ban hành ngày 18/06/201212. xem ví dụ Quyết định 693/QĐ-TTg ngày 06/05/2013 của Thủ tướng Chính phủ về việc sửa đổi bổ sung một số nội dung của Danh mục chi tiết các loại hình, tiêu chí quy mô, tiêu chuẩn của các cơ sở thực hiện xã hội hóa trong lĩnh vực giáo dục và đào tạo, dạy nghề, y tế, văn hóa, thể thao, môi trường ban hành kèm theo Quyết định số 1466/QĐ-TTg ngày 10/10/2008 của Thủ tướng Chính phủ).


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haris Malamidis

Social Movements and Solidarity Structures in Crisis-Ridden Greece explores the rich grassroots experience of social movements in Greece between 2008 and 2016. The harsh conditions of austerity triggered the rise of vibrant mobilizations that went hand-in-hand with the emergence of numerous solidarity structures, providing unofficial welfare services to the suffering population. Based on qualitative field research conducted in more than 50 social movement organizations in Greece’s two major cities, the book offers an in-depth analysis of the contentious mechanisms that led to the development of such solidarity initiatives. By analyzing the organizational structure, resources and identity of markets without middlemen, social and collective kitchens, organizations distributing food parcels, social clinics and self-managed cooperatives, this study explains the enlargement of boundaries of collective action in times of crisis.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 557-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana Mitlin

This paper explores the strategies of social movement organizations working in towns and cities of the global South to secure justice for their members and address poverty and inequality. The paper argues that there has been a false distinction between alternative strategies of resistance. Drawing on research in Kenya and South Africa, I argue that, rather than seeing strategies of contention, collaboration and subversion as separate approaches, they can best be understood as alternative strategies, adopted simultaneously and iteratively by urban social movements. Movements, I suggest, move among contentious politics, efforts at collaboration with the state, and subversion (often taking the form of encroachment), to address the survival imperatives of their members.


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