The possibility of researching religious minorities in the secret police archives of the former Yugoslavia

Author(s):  
Aleksandra Djurić Milovanović
2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 225-246
Author(s):  
Kariane Westrheim ◽  
Michael Gunter ◽  
Yener Koc ◽  
Yavuz Aykan ◽  
Diane E. King ◽  
...  

Adem Uzun, “Living Freedom”: The Evolution of the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey and the Efforts to Resolve it. Berghof Transitions Series No. 11. Berlin: Berghof Foundation, 2014. 48 pp., (ISBN: 978-3-941514-16-4).Ebru Sönmez, Idris-i Bidlisi: Ottoman Kurdistan and Islamic Legitimacy, Libra Kitap, Istanbul, 2012, 190 pp., (ISBN: 978-605-4326-56-3). Sabri Ateş, The Ottoman–Iranian Borderlands: Making a Boundary, 1843-1914, New York; Cambridge University Press, 2013. 366., (ISBN: 978-1107033658).  Choman Hardi, Gendered Experiences of Genocide: Anfal Survivors in Kurdistan-Iraq. Farnham, Surrey and Burlington Vermont: Ashgate, 2011, xii + 217 pp., (ISBN: 978-0-7546-7715-4).Harriet Allsopp, The Kurds of Syria: Political Parties and Identity in the Middle East, London and New York, I.B. Tauris, 2014, 299 pp., (ISBN: 978-1780765631).Khanna Omarkhali (ed.), Religious Minorities in Kurdistan: Beyond the Mainstream [Studies in Oriental Religions, Volume 68], Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2014, xxxviii + 423 pp., (ISBN: 978-3-447-10125-7).Anna Grabole-Çeliker, Kurdish Life in Contemporary Turkey: Migration, Gender and Ethnic Identity, London: I.B. Taurus, 2013, 299 pp., (ISBN: 978-1780760926).  


Author(s):  
Nasar Meer

The purpose of this chapter is to locate the discussion about Muslims in Scotland in relation to questions of national identity and multicultural citizenship. While the former has certainly been a prominent feature of public and policy debate, the latter has largely been overshadowed by constitutional questions raised by devolution and the referenda on independence. This means that, while we have undoubtedly progressed since MacEwen (1980) characterised the treatment of ‘race-relations’ in Scotland as a matter either of ‘ignorance or apathy’, the issue of where ethnic, racial and religious minorities rest in the contemporary landscape remains unsettled. One of the core arguments of this chapter is that these issues are all interrelated, and that the present and future status of Muslims in Scotland is tied up with wider debates about the ‘national question’. Hitherto, however, study of national identity in Scotland has often (though not always) been discussed in relation to the national identities of England, Wales and Britain as a whole.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Shakman Hurd

In recent years, North American and European nations have sought to legally remake religion in other countries through an unprecedented array of international initiatives. Policymakers have rallied around the notion that the fostering of religious freedom, interfaith dialogue, religious tolerance, and protections for religious minorities are the keys to combating persecution and discrimination. This book argues that these initiatives create the very social tensions and divisions they are meant to overcome. It looks at three critical channels of state-sponsored intervention: international religious freedom advocacy, development assistance and nation building, and international law. It shows how these initiatives make religious difference a matter of law, resulting in a divide that favors forms of religion authorized by those in power and excludes other ways of being and belonging. In exploring the dizzying power dynamics and blurred boundaries that characterize relations between “expert religion,” “governed religion,” and “lived religion,” the book charts new territory in the study of religion in global politics. The book provides new insights into today's most pressing dilemmas of power, difference, and governance.


Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kosobudzka

SUMMARYThe article below focuses on the source analysis of the process of investigating Diocesan Curia in Lublin in the years 1946-1947, during the period when two Lublin ordinaries were in charge: Bishop Stefan Wyszyński (1946-1948) and Bishop Piotr Kałwa (1949-1974). Diocesan Curia, as the most important institution in the Church administrative hierarchy, was subject to intensive surveillance by PRL’s apparatus of repression.At the beginning, the process of investigating the management structure on the diocese level was not conducted by specially selected departments but was performed as a part of broadly conceived actions directed against Catholic clergy. In the years 1946-1948,when bishop Stefan Wyszyński was in charge, operational activities against the clergy and the bishops were led by 5th Section of 5th Department of Voivodeship Public Security Office (Sekcja V Wydziału V Wojewódzkiego Urzędu Bezpieczeństwa) in Lublin (until the February of 1953). It can be inferred from the recorded data that until 1949 the Diocesan Curia’s circle in Lublin was very poorly uncovered by Polish communist secret police and their activity amounted only to gathering and verifying data received from informants. The shortage of well-trained agents prevented taking more intensive actions against Bishop Wyszyński and Diocesan Curia in Lublin.In the years 1949-1974, when Bishop Piotr Kałwa was in charge, the 5th Section of the 5th Department of VPSO continued their operational activities aimed against the Lublin’s Curia. In 1953 a new department was created on the basis of 5th Section. The so-called 11th Department took over the entirety of cases pertaining to the Catholic Church. In 1955 the 11th Department was transformed into 6th Department of VPSO in Lublin. 3rd Department of VPSO in Lublin and 1st Section of 6th Department of Polish communist secret police of Voivodeship Polish Citizen Militia Headquarters in Lublin (referat Służby Bezpieczeństwa w Komendzie Wojewódzkiej Milicji Obywatelskiej), respectively, also conducted investigation activities concerning the bishops and Curia.As of 1949, the Diocesan Curia in Lublin was subject to intensive surveillance by the PRL’s security service apparatus. Its main aim at that point was to restrict the Curia’s activity so as to gain control over it. In order to achieve that, the activity of Curial employees and bishops was documented and revealed. Additionally, the conflicts between the bishops, Curial employees and KUL’s management were incited and deepened. What is more, the secret police attentively scrutinized bishops’ and Curial employees’ personal lives in order to gather compromising data, gained secret collaborators (47 secret agents were involved in the process) and limited Curia employees’ departures for studies abroad. Almost every type of operation activities was used against Bishop Piotr Kałwa. The secret police applied phone tapping, bugging, surveillance, reading mail and sending anonymous letters in order to undermine his authority. What is more, the secret police tried to set bishop Kałwa at variance with Primate Wyszyński. However, these actions did not change Bishops Kałwa’s stance who, until his death, unwaveringly defended the Catholic Church’s independence from the government.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (XXII) ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Benon Gaziński ◽  
Maria Swianiewicz-Nagięć

In his article, authors deals with Stanisław Swianiewicz heritage. They point-out that it cannot be reduced to the famous episode of the Katyń massacre while he avoided death being sent to the Gwiezdowo station in the neighbourhood of the mass graves – the only one such a case. While settled in Vilnius, after the Bolshevik’s revolution, he became a Professor of the Stefan Batory University, dealing with the Soviet studies, history of ideas and economic thought. In the article – very little known – journalistic essays are overviewed as published by Swianiewicz in pre-war Vilnius press and dealing with the issue of the national and religious minorities of the Polish Eastern Borderlands.


2003 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 74-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Belinda Cooper

Without help from the west, the small East German opposition,such as it was, never would have achieved as much as it did. Themoney, moral support, media attention, and protection provided bywestern supporters may have made as much of a difference to theopposition as West German financial support made to the East Germanstate. Yet this help was often resented and rarely acknowledgedby eastern activists. Between 1988 and 1990, I worked withArche, an environmental network created in 1988 by East Germandissidents. During that time, the assistance provided by West Germans,émigré East Germans, and foreigners met with a level of distrustthat cannot entirely be blamed on secret police intrigue.Outsiders who tried to help faced a barrage of allegations and criticismof their work and motives. Dissidents who elected to remain inEast Germany distrusted those who emigrated, and vice versa,reflecting an unfortunate tendency, even among dissidents, to internalizeelements of East German propaganda. Yet neither the helpand support the East German opposition received from outside northe mentalities that stood in its way have been much discussed. Thisessay offers a description and analysis of the relationship betweenthe opposition and its outside supporters, based largely on one person’sfirst-hand experience.


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