scholarly journals Social medicine and international expert networks in Latin America, 1930–1945

Author(s):  
Eric D. Carter
Author(s):  
Ligia Maria Vieira-da-Silva

Throughout history, knowledge and practices on the health of populations have had different names: medical police, public health, social medicine, community health, and preventive medicine. To what extent is the Brazilian collective health, established in the 1970s, identified with and differentiated from these diverse movements that preceded it? The analysis of the socio-genesis of a social field allows us to identify the historical conditions that made possible both theoretical formulations and the achievement of technical and social practices. Collective health, a product of transformations within the medical field, constituted a rupture in relation to preventive medicine and public health and hygiene, being part of a social medicine movement in Latin America that, in turn, had identification with European social medicine in the 19th century. Focused on the development of a social theory of health that would support the process of sanitary reform, collective health has been built as a space involving several fields: scientific, bureaucratic, and political. Thus, it brought together health professionals and social scientists from universities, health care services, and social movements. Its scientific subfield has developed, and the sanitary reform project has had several successes related to the organization of a unified health system, which has ensured universal coverage for the population in Brazil. It has incorporated into and dialogued with several reformist movements in international public health, such as health promotion and the pursuit of health equity. Its small relative autonomy stems from subordination to other dominant fields and its dependence on the state and governments. However, its consolidation corresponded to the strengthening of a pole focused on the collective and universal interest, where health is not understood as a commodity, but as a right of citizenship.


2001 ◽  
Vol 91 (10) ◽  
pp. 1592-1601 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Waitzkin ◽  
Celia Iriart ◽  
Alfredo Estrada ◽  
Silvia Lamadrid

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Santiago Stucchi-Portocarrero

Eugenics was defined by Galton as ‘the science which deals with all influences that improve the inborn qualities of a race’. In Peru, eugenics was related to social medicine and mental hygiene, in accordance with the neo-Lamarckian orientation, that predominated in Latin America. Peruvian eugenists assumed the mission of fighting hereditary and infectious diseases, malnutrition, alcoholism, drug addiction, prostitution, criminality and everything that threatened the future of the ‘Peruvian race’. There were some enthusiastic advocates of ‘hard’ eugenic measures, such as forced sterilization and eugenic abortion, but these were never officially implemented in Peru (except for the compulsory sterilization campaign during the 1995–2000 period). Eugenics dominated scientific discourse during the first half of the twentieth century, but eugenic discourse did not disappear completely until the 1970s.


The Lancet ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 358 (9278) ◽  
pp. 315-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Waitzkin ◽  
Celia Iriart ◽  
Alfredo Estrada ◽  
Silvia Lamadrid

Author(s):  
Howard Waitzkin ◽  
Alina Pérez ◽  
Matthew Anderson

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