Elements of governmentality, social rituals, and mobilization of the Egyptian army and the Muslim Brotherhood

2021 ◽  
pp. 22-31
Author(s):  
Sara Tonsy
2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Mai Mogib Mosad

This paper maps the basic opposition groups that influenced the Egyptian political system in the last years of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. It approaches the nature of the relationship between the system and the opposition through use of the concept of “semi-opposition.” An examination and evaluation of the opposition groups shows the extent to which the regime—in order to appear that it was opening the public sphere to the opposition—had channels of communication with the Muslim Brotherhood. The paper also shows the system’s relations with other groups, such as “Kifaya” and “April 6”; it then explains the reasons behind the success of the Muslim Brotherhood at seizing power after the ousting of President Mubarak.


Author(s):  
Kira D. Jumet

This chapter outlines the individual grievances arising from political, economic, social, and religious conditions under the government of Mohamed Morsi that became the foundations of opposition to his rule. It focuses on democracy in Egypt, the 2012 presidential elections, and the expectations and promises put forth by Morsi. The chapter also covers popular perceptions of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Freedom and Justice Party, grievances surrounding electricity and gas, security and sexual harassment, Morsi’s speeches and representation of Egypt on the international stage, and Morsi’s political appointments. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted in Egypt during the year of Morsi’s presidency.


2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 329-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarína Škrabáková

This paper examines the legislative recruitment of women from conservative Islamist parties. It questions the common assumption that generally all Islamist parties are equally hostile to political participation and representation of women. For this purpose, two of the electorally most successful Islamist groups in the MENA region are compared, namely the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) and its Moroccan offshoot, the Party of Justice and Development (PJD). The article seeks an explanation for diverging trends in female candidacy between these conservative religious movements, using the traditional supply and demand model of candidate selection. It argues that the less centralized and the more institutionalized parties (as is the case with the PJD) seem to be better equipped to facilitate women’s candidacy than the more oligarchic ones (the MB). In order to fully grasp the reasons behind the diverging trends in the nomination of female candidates from both Islamist parties, cultural factors are scrutinized as well. The article highlights the limits of the supply and demand model of candidate selection, which cannot explain instances of unexpected change in recruitment strategies based on external interference. Furthermore, it does not provide us the means to assess the impact of individual candidates’ ‘feminist credentials’ on overall female representation.



2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 733-762
Author(s):  
Hossam ElDeeb

The article analyses a communication submitted by the Muslim Brotherhood group (mb) to the International Criminal Court (icc) relating to alleged crimes in Egypt. After the ousting of Morsi, hundreds of Morsi supporters were killed during the dispersal of two sit-in camps. The mb lawyers argued that the ousted, Morsi, is still the legitimate president of Egypt and hence can accept the Court’s jurisdiction pursuant to Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute. It is argued that such controversial communications submitted to the Court have serious implications other than the intended purpose of communications. The article briefly reviews the situation of Egypt’s criminal justice system in relation to the alleged crimes and the legal position of the mb, then analyses the scope of Article 12(3) before it critically argues that the communication submitted to the icc was for political gain and the Court should restrain itself from entering into political debates.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-114
Author(s):  
Nasser Tolba

This article aims to explore the phenomenon of political violence at Egyptian universities after the downfall of the Muslim Brotherhood regime on June 30, 2013.  It is a critical analysis to identify the underlying causes and factors leading to this excessive violence and its impact on the Egyptian universities.  The article drew on qualitative methods by interviewing 16 Muslim Brotherhood students from four public universities.  The results indicate that frustration, injustice, the collapse of democracy, and interference of the security in universities played an initial role in the students’ violent behaviors.  The forms of violence varied from clashes, throwing stones, and destroying university facilities and infrastructure.  The effects of violence on the university were large such as, cancelling study several times, eliminating student political and cultural activities, infrastructure losses, and many arrests, injuries and victims between students and staff.  Keywords: 30 June events 2013, political violence, Egypt revolution, student protests.       G M T   Sprache erkennen Afrikaans Albanisch Arabisch Armenisch Aserbaidschanisch Baskisch Bengalisch Bosnisch Bulgarisch Burmesisch Cebuano Chichewa Chinesisch (ver) Chinesisch (trad) Dänisch Deutsch Englisch Esperanto Estnisch Finnisch Französisch Galizisch Georgisch Griechisch Gujarati Haitianisch Hausa Hebräisch Hindi Hmong Igbo Indonesisch Irisch Isländisch Italienisch Japanisch Javanesisch Jiddisch Kannada Kasachisch Katalanisch Khmer Koreanisch Kroatisch Lao Lateinish Lettisch Litauisch Malabarisch Malagasy Malaysisch Maltesisch Maori Marathisch Mazedonisch Mongolisch Nepalesisch Niederländisch Norwegisch Persisch Polnisch Portugiesisch Punjabi Rumänisch Russisch Schwedisch Serbisch Sesotho Singhalesisch Slowakisch Slowenisch Somali Spanisch Suaheli Sundanesisch Tadschikisch Tagalog Tamil Telugu Thailändisch Tschechisch Türkisch Ukrainisch Ungarisch Urdu Uzbekisch Vietnamesisch Walisisch Weißrussisch Yoruba Zulu   Afrikaans Albanisch Arabisch Armenisch Aserbaidschanisch Baskisch Bengalisch Bosnisch Bulgarisch Burmesisch Cebuano Chichewa Chinesisch (ver) Chinesisch (trad) Dänisch Deutsch Englisch Esperanto Estnisch Finnisch Französisch Galizisch Georgisch Griechisch Gujarati Haitianisch Hausa Hebräisch Hindi Hmong Igbo Indonesisch Irisch Isländisch Italienisch Japanisch Javanesisch Jiddisch Kannada Kasachisch Katalanisch Khmer Koreanisch Kroatisch Lao Lateinish Lettisch Litauisch Malabarisch Malagasy Malaysisch Maltesisch Maori Marathisch Mazedonisch Mongolisch Nepalesisch Niederländisch Norwegisch Persisch Polnisch Portugiesisch Punjabi Rumänisch Russisch Schwedisch Serbisch Sesotho Singhalesisch Slowakisch Slowenisch Somali Spanisch Suaheli Sundanesisch Tadschikisch Tagalog Tamil Telugu Thailändisch Tschechisch Türkisch Ukrainisch Ungarisch Urdu Uzbekisch Vietnamesisch Walisisch Weißrussisch Yoruba Zulu                 Die Sound-Funktion ist auf 200 Zeichen begrenzt     Optionen : Geschichte : Feedback : Donate Schließen


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