scholarly journals From Rebellion to Riots

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-114
Author(s):  
Nasser Tolba
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
Violent Behaviors ◽  
Underlying Causes ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Effects Of Violence ◽  
The University ◽  
Forms Of Violence

This article aims to explore the phenomenon of political violence at Egyptian universities after the downfall of the Muslim Brotherhood regime on June 30, 2013.  It is a critical analysis to identify the underlying causes and factors leading to this excessive violence and its impact on the Egyptian universities.  The article drew on qualitative methods by interviewing 16 Muslim Brotherhood students from four public universities.  The results indicate that frustration, injustice, the collapse of democracy, and interference of the security in universities played an initial role in the students’ violent behaviors.  The forms of violence varied from clashes, throwing stones, and destroying university facilities and infrastructure.  The effects of violence on the university were large such as, cancelling study several times, eliminating student political and cultural activities, infrastructure losses, and many arrests, injuries and victims between students and staff.  Keywords: 30 June events 2013, political violence, Egypt revolution, student protests.       G M T   Sprache erkennen Afrikaans Albanisch Arabisch Armenisch Aserbaidschanisch Baskisch Bengalisch Bosnisch Bulgarisch Burmesisch Cebuano Chichewa Chinesisch (ver) Chinesisch (trad) Dänisch Deutsch Englisch Esperanto Estnisch Finnisch Französisch Galizisch Georgisch Griechisch Gujarati Haitianisch Hausa Hebräisch Hindi Hmong Igbo Indonesisch Irisch Isländisch Italienisch Japanisch Javanesisch Jiddisch Kannada Kasachisch Katalanisch Khmer Koreanisch Kroatisch Lao Lateinish Lettisch Litauisch Malabarisch Malagasy Malaysisch Maltesisch Maori Marathisch Mazedonisch Mongolisch Nepalesisch Niederländisch Norwegisch Persisch Polnisch Portugiesisch Punjabi Rumänisch Russisch Schwedisch Serbisch Sesotho Singhalesisch Slowakisch Slowenisch Somali Spanisch Suaheli Sundanesisch Tadschikisch Tagalog Tamil Telugu Thailändisch Tschechisch Türkisch Ukrainisch Ungarisch Urdu Uzbekisch Vietnamesisch Walisisch Weißrussisch Yoruba Zulu   Afrikaans Albanisch Arabisch Armenisch Aserbaidschanisch Baskisch Bengalisch Bosnisch Bulgarisch Burmesisch Cebuano Chichewa Chinesisch (ver) Chinesisch (trad) Dänisch Deutsch Englisch Esperanto Estnisch Finnisch Französisch Galizisch Georgisch Griechisch Gujarati Haitianisch Hausa Hebräisch Hindi Hmong Igbo Indonesisch Irisch Isländisch Italienisch Japanisch Javanesisch Jiddisch Kannada Kasachisch Katalanisch Khmer Koreanisch Kroatisch Lao Lateinish Lettisch Litauisch Malabarisch Malagasy Malaysisch Maltesisch Maori Marathisch Mazedonisch Mongolisch Nepalesisch Niederländisch Norwegisch Persisch Polnisch Portugiesisch Punjabi Rumänisch Russisch Schwedisch Serbisch Sesotho Singhalesisch Slowakisch Slowenisch Somali Spanisch Suaheli Sundanesisch Tadschikisch Tagalog Tamil Telugu Thailändisch Tschechisch Türkisch Ukrainisch Ungarisch Urdu Uzbekisch Vietnamesisch Walisisch Weißrussisch Yoruba Zulu                 Die Sound-Funktion ist auf 200 Zeichen begrenzt     Optionen : Geschichte : Feedback : Donate Schließen

Anticolonial Terrorism: Egypt and the Muslim Brotherhood to 1954

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Sedgwick
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Main Strategy

This chapter looks at the rise of anticolonial terrorism in Egypt, and especially at the role played by the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. It argues that assassination became established among anticolonial nationalists in Egypt before the Brotherhood was founded and was then briefly practiced by the Brotherhood. The Brotherhood, however, generally preferred other varieties of violence, which it understood as jihad. Some of these were more obviously acts of political violence than others. The use of violence was never part of the Brotherhood’s main strategy, however, and in the end it proved disastrous for them. They definitively abandoned terrorism in about 1968.

MARION BOULBY, The Muslim Brotherhood and the Kings of Jordan, 1945–1993, South Florida–Rochester–Saint Louis Studies on Religion and the Social Order, vol. 18 (Atlanta: Scholars Press for the University of South Florida, 1999). Pp. 188. $44.50 cloth.

2000 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 425-426
Author(s):  
Emile Sahliyeh
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
South Florida ◽  
Historical Survey ◽  
Saint Louis ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Conservatism ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The University

In this book, Marion Boulby traces the rise and evolution of the Muslim Brotherhood movement in Jordan. In chapter 1, she gives a brief historical survey of Jordan's state-building and the economic and social developments in the country between 1921 and 1989. In chapter 2, she describes the formative phase of the Brotherhood and the conditions surrounding its establishment between 1945 and 1957. Here, Boulby contends that the concern over the future of Palestine rather than competition with leftist groups was the primary motive behind the formation of the Brotherhood. She also highlights the conservative nature of the founders of the movement and their adoption of a reformist ideology and pragmatic political stands. In her opinion, the norms of political conservatism, reform, and pragmatism, which have characterized the movement throughout its history, were behind the forging of a close alliance between the Brothers and the monarchy.

The Dynamics of Egypt’s “Semi-opposition,” 2004–11

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Mai Mogib Mosad
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political System ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

This paper maps the basic opposition groups that influenced the Egyptian political system in the last years of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. It approaches the nature of the relationship between the system and the opposition through use of the concept of “semi-opposition.” An examination and evaluation of the opposition groups shows the extent to which the regime—in order to appear that it was opening the public sphere to the opposition—had channels of communication with the Muslim Brotherhood. The paper also shows the system’s relations with other groups, such as “Kifaya” and “April 6”; it then explains the reasons behind the success of the Muslim Brotherhood at seizing power after the ousting of President Mubarak.

Grievances against the Morsi Government

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kira D. Jumet
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Harassment ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Interview Data ◽  
Political Appointments ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Political Economic

This chapter outlines the individual grievances arising from political, economic, social, and religious conditions under the government of Mohamed Morsi that became the foundations of opposition to his rule. It focuses on democracy in Egypt, the 2012 presidential elections, and the expectations and promises put forth by Morsi. The chapter also covers popular perceptions of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Freedom and Justice Party, grievances surrounding electricity and gas, security and sexual harassment, Morsi’s speeches and representation of Egypt on the international stage, and Morsi’s political appointments. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted in Egypt during the year of Morsi’s presidency.

scholarly journals Islamist Women as Candidates in Elections: A Comparison of the Party of Justice and Development in Morocco and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 329-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarína Škrabáková
Keyword(s):  
Supply And Demand ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Demand Model ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
External Interference ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Supply And Demand Model ◽  
The Impact

This paper examines the legislative recruitment of women from conservative Islamist parties. It questions the common assumption that generally all Islamist parties are equally hostile to political participation and representation of women. For this purpose, two of the electorally most successful Islamist groups in the MENA region are compared, namely the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) and its Moroccan offshoot, the Party of Justice and Development (PJD). The article seeks an explanation for diverging trends in female candidacy between these conservative religious movements, using the traditional supply and demand model of candidate selection. It argues that the less centralized and the more institutionalized parties (as is the case with the PJD) seem to be better equipped to facilitate women’s candidacy than the more oligarchic ones (the MB). In order to fully grasp the reasons behind the diverging trends in the nomination of female candidates from both Islamist parties, cultural factors are scrutinized as well. The article highlights the limits of the supply and demand model of candidate selection, which cannot explain instances of unexpected change in recruitment strategies based on external interference. Furthermore, it does not provide us the means to assess the impact of individual candidates’ ‘feminist credentials’ on overall female representation.


An Attempt to Prosecute: The Muslim Brotherhood’s Communication to the International Criminal Court Relating to the Alleged Crimes in Egypt

2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 733-762
Author(s):  
Hossam ElDeeb
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
International Criminal Court ◽  
Justice System ◽  
Rome Statute ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Criminal Court ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Legal Position ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood

The article analyses a communication submitted by the Muslim Brotherhood group (mb) to the International Criminal Court (icc) relating to alleged crimes in Egypt. After the ousting of Morsi, hundreds of Morsi supporters were killed during the dispersal of two sit-in camps. The mb lawyers argued that the ousted, Morsi, is still the legitimate president of Egypt and hence can accept the Court’s jurisdiction pursuant to Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute. It is argued that such controversial communications submitted to the Court have serious implications other than the intended purpose of communications. The article briefly reviews the situation of Egypt’s criminal justice system in relation to the alleged crimes and the legal position of the mb, then analyses the scope of Article 12(3) before it critically argues that the communication submitted to the icc was for political gain and the Court should restrain itself from entering into political debates.

scholarly journals Reframing political violence and mental health outcomes: outlining a research and action agenda for Latin America and the Caribbean region

2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan Pedersen
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Health Outcomes ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Mental Health Outcomes ◽  
Guerrilla Warfare ◽  
Caribbean Region ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Forms Of Violence

In recent decades, the number of people exposed to traumatic events has significantly increased as various forms of violence, including war and political upheaval, engulf civilian populations worldwide. In spite of widespread armed conflict, guerrilla warfare and political violence in the Latin American and Caribbean region, insufficient attention had been paid in assessing the medium and long-term psychological impact and additional burden of disease, death, and disability caused by violence and wars amongst civilian populations. Following a review of the literature, a few central questions are raised: What is the short, medium and long-term health impact of extreme and sustained forms of violence in a given population? How political violence is linked to poor mental health outcomes at the individual and collective levels? Are trauma-related disorders, universal outcomes of extreme and sustained violence? These questions lead us to reframe the analysis of political violence and mental health outcomes, and reexamine the notions of trauma, after which a research and action agenda for the region is outlined. In the concluding sections, some basic principles that may prove useful when designing psychosocial interventions in post-conflict situations are reviewed.

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