Grievances against the Morsi Government

Author(s):  
Kira D. Jumet

This chapter outlines the individual grievances arising from political, economic, social, and religious conditions under the government of Mohamed Morsi that became the foundations of opposition to his rule. It focuses on democracy in Egypt, the 2012 presidential elections, and the expectations and promises put forth by Morsi. The chapter also covers popular perceptions of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Freedom and Justice Party, grievances surrounding electricity and gas, security and sexual harassment, Morsi’s speeches and representation of Egypt on the international stage, and Morsi’s political appointments. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted in Egypt during the year of Morsi’s presidency.

Author(s):  
Kira D. Jumet

This chapter identifies the discrepancy between real and perceived political opportunities and the effect this gap had on political mobilization for the June 30th protests in Egypt. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted during the 2012 anti-Morsi protests, the 2013 coup, the months following the coup, and at protests in Tahrir Square and at the Rabaa al-Adawiya sit-in. In addition to outlining the politics surrounding President Morsi’s 2012 constitutional declaration, the subsequent protests, and how the Tamarod movement mobilized mass protests against Morsi that took place on June 30, 2013, the chapter also presents the details and step-by-step process of the 2013 military coup. The chapter explains post-coup politics, including the designation of the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization, the military’s mobilization of the public against the Muslim Brotherhood, the Rabaa al-Adawiya massacre, the cult of General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and the 2014 constitutional referendum and presidential elections.


Author(s):  
William F. Waters

Se analizan dos vertientes del entendimiento de libertad en la literatura clásica. Por un lado, se refiere a complejas relaciones entre el individuo y su gobierno y la ausencia relativa de control oficial sobre las acciones individuales y privadas. Por otro lado, se refiere a la calidad o el estado de ser libre, que es una característica de la persona independiente del entorno externo. Para Amartya Sen, la segunda definición permite entender la libertad en términos de oportunidades en un contexto de equidad. Independiente de lo que se permite o limita formalmente, la política pública promueve la libertad y el desarrollo cuando los ciudadanos pueden actuar a base de opciones reales en condiciones sociales, políticas, económicas y culturales existentes.Two interpretations of an understanding of liberty in the classical literature are discussed. On one hand, the term refers to complex relations between the individual and the government and the relative absence of official control over individual and private actions. On the other hand, the term refers to the quality or status of being free, which is a characteristic of the person independent of the external environment. According to Amartya Sen, the second definition allows us to understand liberty in terms of opportunities in the context of equity. Independent of what is formally allowed or limited, public policy promotes liberty and development when citizens can act on the basis of real options within existing social, political, economic, and cultural conditions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Osama Sami AL-Nsour

The concept of citizenship is one of the pillars upon which the modern civil state was built. The concept of citizenship can be considered as the basic guarantee for both the government and individuals to clarify the relationship between them, since under this right individuals can acquire and apply their rights freely and also based on this right the state can regulate how society members perform the duties imposed on them, which will contributes to the development of the state and society .The term citizenship has been used in a wider perspective, itimplies the nationality of the State where the citizen obtains his civil, political, economic, social, cultural and religious rights and is free to exercise these rights in accordance with the Constitution of the State and the laws governing thereof and without prejudice to the interest. In return, he has an obligation to perform duties vis-à-vis the state so that the state can give him his rights that have been agreed and contracted.This paper seeks to explore firstly, the modern connotation of citizenship where it is based on the idea of rights and duties. Thus the modern ideal of citizenship is based on the relationship between the individual and the state. The Islamic civilization was spanned over fourteen centuries and there were certain laws and regulations governing the relationship between the citizens and the state, this research will try to discover the main differences between the classical concept of citizenship and the modern one, also this research will show us the results of this change in this concept . The research concludes that the new concept of citizenship is correct one and the one that can fit to our contemporary life and the past concept was appropriate for their time but the changes in the world force us to apply and to rethink again about this concept.


Subject The Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan. Significance After facing fragmentation in 2015, the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan (MBJ) sought to re-engage in local politics. The September 2016 electoral success of its political wing, the Islamic Action Front (IAF), revitalised its role as a leading opposition movement. Following reports that the new US administration was debating the designation of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB), its parent movement, as a terrorist organisation, the MBJ on January 23 announced an end to its 14-year boycott of dialogue with Washington. Impacts Jordanian authorities could be suspicious of the MBJ’s outreach to Washington, fearing it might become a conduit for US pressure. Radical ideologies may become more prevalent because of rising unemployment, outflanking the MBJ but enhancing its ‘moderate’ credentials. Regional and international instability could force the government and Brotherhood to work together to manage domestic dissent.


2019 ◽  
pp. 133-160
Author(s):  
Marina ◽  
David Ottaway

This chapter recounts the stages of the 2011 uprising in Egypt, from the fall of one military dictator to the rise of another. The upheaval ended three decades of sclerotic rule under Hosni Mubarak, and ushered in a brief period of democracy that saw the Muslim Brotherhood triumph in parliamentary and presidential elections for the first time in Egyptian history.After a year of tumultuous rule, Islamic President Mohammed Morsi was ousted in a military coup d’état in 2013thanks to the connivance of self-proclaimed democratic secularists. The new military dictator, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, has set about uprooting all traces of Islamist presence in the country and eliminating all civil society activism as well. His goal has been to turn Egypt back fifty years to restore the military state established by Gamal Abdel Nasser, and imitate his pursuit of costly mega-projects to solve the country’s crushing economic and social problems.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 201-221
Author(s):  
Kateryna Kasianenko

This study analyses articles of three Russian and four Japanese newspapers covering the cases of journalists facing sexual harassment from their news sources. It aims to assess the ability of the news media of the two countries to expand the coverage of these cases to a larger debate on the position of women through framing analysis of 431 articles. The study reveals that most of the examined articles emphasized the individual aspect of sexual harassment, confining the understanding of sexual harassment to the private sphere. In both countries, work culture of government organizations was linked to the issue of sexual harassment while reflections on the institutional context of media industry were minimal. In Russia, representation of the issue as a conflict between the media and the government was prominent. This was reflected in the unprecedented boycott of the State Duma by Russian journalists. In Japan, the establishment of an informal network of women working in the media industry was a positive development. However, overall findings suggest that the newspapers’ potential to become a forum where the problem of sexual harassment could be debated in relation to broader issues, was not realized to its fullest.


Author(s):  
A. Korotaev ◽  
L. Isaev

The authors analyze roots, causes and implications of both major political events that took place in Egypt in the last three years, namely the Tahrir Revolution of 2011 and what they call the Counterrevolution of 2013. Focus of the article is on the role of the military and the Islamists. The young educated democrats of middle class who initiated the revolution in 2011 under the slogans of combatting autocratic and corrupt government were joined by the poverty-stricken population of Cairo, by the desolate and unemployed and – what was especially important – by the Muslim Brotherhood. This combination of forces proved too strong for the army and government, Mubarak had to resign. But the urban poor who played a decisive role in the victory of the revolution had always been under a very strong influence of the Muslim Brotherhood, so it was inevitable that free and fair elections would bring the Islamists to power. Moursi became President. The Islamists, however, made a number of grave mistakes while in power, and the old elites, both economic and military/bureaucratic, did their best to sabotage the government policy. At last the army (supported by the Egyptian economic elites) came on top, so both the Muslim Brothers and the young secular democrats have lost.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-551 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hesham Al-Awadi

The article examines the Muslim Brotherhood in power in Egypt, 2012–2013, and how they dealt with the multifaceted challenges. The main argument is that the Brotherhood benefited from their past populist legitimacy to fill the vacuum created by the collapse of the Mubarak regime, but that this legitimacy waned when they did not consolidate this legitimacy with a tangible national achievement. The Brotherhood were unable to count on Egyptians’ sympathy for their endurance of rough treatment at the hands of the previous regime over many years, because the 25 January Revolution changed the Egyptian people's expectations and spread knowledge of how to punish rulers who fail to meet these expectations: with sit-ins and street demonstrations. Despite Muhammad Morsi's victory in the presidential elections, and the forceful curtailment of his four-year term by the army, this leading member of the Muslim Brotherhood failed to translate his legal legitimacy into a wider populist legitimacy based on tangible achievements.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giedre Sabaseviciute

AbstractThis article focuses on the writings and literary networks of the Egyptian intellectual and activist Sayyid Qutb during the late 1940s. Scholars have tended to explain Qutb's political radicalization and joining of the Muslim Brotherhood during the subsequent decade via aspects of his personality or personal life, such as his quick temper, conservatism, or frustration over unfulfilled aspirations to become a writer. Drawing on three periodicals published respectively by leftist, Islamist, and independent aspiring writers, I instead place Qutb's criticism of political, economic, and cultural elites in the context of an emerging generation of critical intellectuals. By shedding light on intellectual cooperation between Qutb, Muslim Brothers, Marxists, and independent writers, this article challenges established scholarly narratives that locate the Islamist project outside the Egyptian intellectual field.


Significance This comes following high tensions with teachers, who engaged in a series of widespread protests after the Attorney-General ordered the closure of the Teachers' Union and forcible dissolution of its leadership on July 25. There were scores of arrests and an unprecedented reporting ban. Impacts The government will lack capacity to fulfil economic pledges made to public sector workers in 2019. Further setbacks to the much-delayed political reform process will complicate Western pledges of financial support. If November elections are compromised, the current government of Omar al-Razzaz could face dissolution. Negotiations for Emirati aid could lead to harsher measures against the Muslim Brotherhood and Turkish or Qatari influence.


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