Social policies, uncertainty and social unrest in Chile

2021 ◽  
pp. 69-84
Author(s):  
Rossana Castiglioni
Author(s):  
Julia Shu-Huah Wang ◽  
Chenhong Peng ◽  
Hao Luo ◽  
Jinbao Zhang ◽  
Hans Oh

ABSTRACT The COVID-19 pandemic has triggered an unprecedented number of policy responses around the world across multiple policy domains. While governments have combined containment and health policies with social policies (CHSP) during the initial phase of the pandemic in various ways, current literature offers little knowledge of the patterns of these combinations and their determinants and outcomes. This paper fills this gap by investigating CHSP combinations across more than 120 countries. We further examined whether the CHSP policy response was determined by political regimes or compensation hypotheses—serving the purposes of responding to pre-existing economic downturns, inequality, or social unrest. We also investigated the associations between CHSP responses and mobility, virus infection, and unemployment. Using policy data from the Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker, results from sequence analysis indicated that governments’ CHSP responses could be clustered into five categories: high social policies (SP), middle SP, containment and health (CH) leading SP, low SP, and gradual high SP. We used multinomial regression models to investigate determinants of CHSP responses. We found that CHSP policy responses did not differ by political regime, and CHSP combinations were not driven by compensation hypotheses. Instead, GDP per capita and government effectiveness were the key drivers for high levels of policy responses. We also found that low SP responses were associated with fewer mobility changes. Taken together, our findings suggest that lower income countries required more support and resources in order for them to adopt necessary CH and SP responses.


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 311-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Brambilla ◽  
David A. Butz

Two studies examined the impact of macrolevel symbolic threat on intergroup attitudes. In Study 1 (N = 71), participants exposed to a macrosymbolic threat (vs. nonsymbolic threat and neutral topic) reported less support toward social policies concerning gay men, an outgroup whose stereotypes implies a threat to values, but not toward welfare recipients, a social group whose stereotypes do not imply a threat to values. Study 2 (N = 78) showed that, whereas macrolevel symbolic threat led to less favorable attitudes toward gay men, macroeconomic threat led to less favorable attitudes toward Asians, an outgroup whose stereotypes imply an economic threat. These findings are discussed in terms of their implications for understanding the role of a general climate of threat in shaping intergroup attitudes.


2017 ◽  
pp. 45-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Osmakov ◽  
A. Kalinin

The article considers the problems of industrial policy and, accordingly, the industrial development strategy from the standpoint of the challenges facing the industry, the conditions for the adoption of strategic decisions and possible answers - the key directions of state activities. The main principles and directions are analyzed: investment, foreign trade, technological policies, certain aspects of territorial planning, state corporate and social policies. Proposals on the prospective goal-setting and possible results of industrial policy have been formulated.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Efrain Garcia-Sanchez ◽  
Nelson Molina Valencia ◽  
Estefanía Buitrago ◽  
Zabdi Sanz ◽  
Valentina Ramírez ◽  
...  

El autoritarismo es un constructo ampliamente estudiado en psicología para investigar comportamientos políticos. Para su medición se suele usar la escala de autoritarismo de derechas (RWA), la cual tiene variaciones en sus propiedades psicométricas según cada contexto. En este artículo traducimos y adaptamos una versión reducida del autoritarismo de derechas al contexto colombiano. En dos estudios (NEstudio1=417;NEstudio2=396), identificamos tres dimensiones: agresión-autoritaria, sumisión-autoritaria y convencionalismo; y encontramos que la RWA estuvo asociada positivamente con: dominancia social, deshumanización del adversario, apoyo al conflicto, patriotismo, sexismo, homofobia y la prohibición de políticas sociales consideradas como liberales (e.g., aborto, matrimonio igualitario, eutanasia). Se aporta evidencia empírica a favor de las propiedades psicométricas de la escala de RWA en el contexto colombiano. Authoritarianism is widely used construct to study political behaviors.For its measurement, researchers usually use the right authoritarianism scale (RWA), which has variations in its psychometric properties according to each context. In this article we translate and adapt a reduced version of RWA to the Colombian context. In two studies (NStudy1=417; NStudy2=396), we identified three dimensions: authoritarian-aggression, authoritarian-submission,and conventionalism. We also found that RWA was positively associated with: social dominance, dehumanization of the adversary, support for conflict, patriotism, sexism, homophobia and the prohibition of social policies considered liberal (e.g., abortion, equal marriage, euthanasia). Empirical evidence is provided in favor of the psychometric properties of the RWA scale in the Colombian context


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