Church and State in Spain from the Civil War to the Return of Democracy

2019 ◽  
pp. 353-372
Author(s):  
Juan J. Linz
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Church And State

Church Politics and the Genocide in Rwanda

2001 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Longman
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Ethnic Discrimination ◽  
Church Leaders ◽  
Lay Leaders ◽  
Church Involvement ◽  
Major Site ◽  
Christian Churches ◽  
The Face ◽  
Church Personnel

AbstractChristian churches were deeply implicated in the 1994 genocide of ethnic Tutsi in Rwanda. Churches were a major site for massacres, and many Christians participated in the slaughter, including church personnel and lay leaders. Church involvement in the genocide can be explained in part because of the historic link between church and state and the acceptance of ethnic discrimination among church officials. In addition, just as political officials chose genocide as a means of reasserting their authority in the face of challenges from a democracy movement and civil war, struggles over power within Rwanda's Christian churches led some church leaders to accept the genocide as a means of eliminating challenges to their own authority within the churches.

Christianity in Rus’ and Muscovy

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
David Goldfrank
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Church And State ◽  
State Power ◽  
Russian Orthodoxy ◽  
Old Believers ◽  
Foreign Intervention ◽  
Church Law

The foundations of Russian Christianity—gradual conversion; absorption of church law; native ascetic monasticism (Kiev’s Monastery of the Caves) and cults (Boris and Gleb, the Vladimir Theotokos icon); characteristic architecture; and crafting of patriotic and didactic sermons (Ilarion), hagiography (Nestor), chronicles, and pilgrimage itinerary—all hearken back to pre-Mongol Rus’. Under Mongol protection, the Rus’ Church flourished; the anti-Catholic, the late Byzantine hesychastic devotional and artistic package, representing a distinct brand of Orthodoxy, arrived, and communal monasticism, spearheaded by Sergii of Radonezh, spread. From the mid-fifteenth century, autocephalous resistance to Church Union with Rome, and unification and expansion under Moscow accompanied Nil Sorskii’s hesychastic treatise, Iosif Volotskii’s theological–didactic–inquisitorial Enlightener, and his followers’ promotion of a Moscow-centred national historiography, sacred monarchy, and pious household guide. The newly established Moscow patriarchate (1589) aided survival and resurgence after civil war and foreign intervention (1604–1619), while the practical need for better-educated Orthodox clerics from (then Polish–Lithuanian) Ukraine and Belarus contradicted pretences of native purity. Would-be Orthodox reformers in the 1640s differed over how much Westernizing education and ritual flexibility were permissible to bring Russian Orthodoxy in line with Ukraine and the Greeks. Patriarch Nikon’s high-handed liturgical reforms (1655), more ruthlessly supported by church and state power after a synod deposed him for political overreach (1666), catalysed the variegated dissenting sectarians commonly called ‘Old Believers’. The century ended with a Moscow Academy (1687–) complementing Kiev’s (1632–) and conflicting, alterative Westernizing visions among Europe-oriented elites.

London's Spanish Chapel Before and After The Civil War

1987 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 402-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert J. Loomie, S.J.
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Current Evidence ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
James I ◽  
Long Period ◽  
The Past ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Considerable Concern

IN THE mid-seventeenth century the chapel of the Spanish embassy caused considerable concern to the authorities at Whitehall since they were frustrated in preventing scores of Londoners from attending it for masses and other Catholic devotions. This was a distinct issue from the traditional right of a Catholic diplomat in England to provide mass for his household or other compatriots,’ and from the custom of Sephardic Jews to gather in the embassy for Sabbath worship when they desired. While the practice of Londoners to attend mass secretly at the residences of various Catholic diplomats had developed early in the reign of Elizabeth and occasional arrests at their doors had acted as a deterrent, late in the reign of James I sizeable crowds began to frequent the Spanish embassy. John Chamberlain commented in 1621 that Gondomar had ‘almost as many come to his mass’ in the chapel of Ely House as there were attending ‘the sermon at St. Andrewes (Holborn) over against him’. Although Godomar left in 1622 and subsequently the embassy was closed for five years during the Anglo-Spanish War, it was later, from 1630 to 1655, that the Spanish chapel acquired not only a continuous popularity among Catholics of the area but also an unwelcome notoriety in the highest levels of government. This paper will suggest two primary factors which led to that development: the persistent ambition of the resident Spanish diplomats to provide a range of religious services unprecedented in number and character, and their successful adaptation to the hostile political conditions in the capital for a quarter of a century. The continuous Spanish diplomatic presence in London for this long period was in itself both unexpected and unique for it should be recalled that, for various reasons, all the other Catholic ambassadors, whether from France, Venice, Portugal, Savoy or the Empire, had to leave at different times and close their chapels. However, the site of the Spanish residence during these years by no means permanent since, as with other foreign diplomats, a new property was rented by each ambassador on arrival. There is, moreover, a wider significance in this inquiry because of the current evidence that by the eve of the Civil War the king was considered in the House of Commons to have been remiss in guarding his kingdom from a ‘Catholic inspired plot against church and state’, for while it has been well argued that a public disquiet over Henrietta-Maria's chapels at Somerset House and St. James's palace had by 1640 stimulated increasing suspicions of a Popish Plot, there were other protected chapels, particularly the Spanish, where scores of Londoners were seen to attend. Indeed, after the closure of the queen's chapels at Whitehall in 1642, the Spanish remained for the next thirteen years as silent evidence that Catholics seemed to be ‘more numerous’ and were acting ‘more freely than in the past’.

Jacques Maritain and the Spanish Civil War

1982 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 489-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Doering
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Second Vatican Council ◽  
Jacques Maritain ◽  
Vatican Council ◽  
Moral Problems ◽  
A Current

The 1930's posed difficult moral problems for European Catholics. First came Mussolini's questionable adventure in belated colonialism in Ethiopia. Then the war in Spain suddenly, and with piercing sharpness, posed the moral problems of civil war. For the most influential Catholic thinker of his time, Jacques Maritain, the war in Spain was a challenging difficulty. Though Maritain openly refused his allegiance to Franco, and thereby became a scandal to Catholics horrified by the Spanish republic's attacks on the official Church, his reflections on Spain gave impetus to a current of thought in Catholic circles that culminated in the declaration of the Second Vatican Council on the relations between church and state. Hence, as so often happens, a time of confusion and fraternal strife was also a time of clarification, and a time of despair broadened into a time of hope.

“Red Priests” as Phenomenon of the Epoch of the Revolution and the Civil War (The Destiny of Iona Brikhnichev and Mikhail Galkin)

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 702-711
Author(s):  
Pavel G. Rogozny
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Church And State ◽  
High Ranking ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Revolution

The phenomenon of priests taking off dignity after the revolution was a common one. But Brikhnichev and Galkin were not only former priests, but also high-ranking leaders of the “Union of Atheists”. Both of them were active supporters of the new power, and members of the Bolshevik party. Brikhnichev was a writer and poet before the revolution. He was defrocked for his Christian radicalism. Galkin was a priest of the Metropolitan parish before the revolution. He himself offered his services to the Bolsheviks in carrying out the separation of the Church and State and published his proposals in “Pravda” newspaper. Then he took off his orders and became an atheist. The careers of Brikhnichev and Galkin ended when the new government no longer needed the services of former priests-propagandists. Very often the priests, both former or active, were called ”red priests“.

scholarly journals Representations of Death in Rawi Hage’s Beirut Hellfire Society

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-59
Author(s):  
Ashraf Abu Fares ◽  
Indrani Borgohain
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Church And State ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Sense Of Humor ◽  
Blood Meridian ◽  
Lebanese Civil War ◽  
Four Seasons ◽  
Religious Sect ◽  
The City ◽  
Bomb Explosion

The aim of this paper is to explore the representations of death in Beirut Hellfire Society, a novel written by the Lebanese author, Rawi Hage, and published in 2018. The novel indulges in immoral and varied casts like the de-romanticizing subjects in Cormac McCarthy’s Blood Meridian which help illustrate the realities of life during wartime. All the characters portrayed in Beirut Hellfire Society are colorful and complicated vignettes. They span the four seasons following the death of Pavlov’s father, who is killed in a bomb explosion when he is in the middle of digging a grave. In this novel, Hage portrays the dilemma that people faced during the Lebanese civil war and the meaninglessness of death. He deliberately presents a striking description of death that overflows in the city of Beirut throughout the civil war and links it to a myriad of aspects associated to it; mourning, burials, funeral dancing, lunacy, a sense of humor and jokes regarding death, and above all, cremation, to personify the abundant death and destruction that pervaded Beirut on that period of Lebanon’s history with its utmost horrible and devastating face. Pavlov, a twenty years old undertaker, and his father are extraordinary characters and members of the “Hellfire Society,” a secretive organization of infidels, hedonists, idolaters, in which the members cremate people at their own request. Hellfire Society is a mysterious, rebellious and anti-religious sect that arranges secret burial for those who have been denied it because the deceased was a homosexual, an atheist, and an outcast or abandoned by their family, church and state. With death front and centre, Rawi Hage’s Beirut Hellfire Society is a treatise on living with war. In short, it is a novel that practically defines iconoclasm and registers the horrible, prevalent, and immeasurable shocking death that ensues as a real consequence of war and its atrocities.

Another Side of “Thorough”: John Cosin and Administration, Discipline, and Finance in the Church of England, 1624–1644

1981 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 347-363
Author(s):  
John G. Hoffman
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Church Of England ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Central Authority ◽  
Charles I ◽  
The Church

The policy of “Thorough,” the effort at greater efficiency in church and state during the reign of Charles I, is usually regarded as a leading cause of the dissatisfaction that led to civil war. Lawrence Stone has described its objective as “a deferential, strictly hierarchical, socially stable, paternalist absolutism based on a close union of Church and Crown.” To G. E. Aylmer, the king's principal ministers, archbishop Laud and the earl of Strafford, were trying to achieve “more efficient government, and more effective central authority.” Both scholars agree that the methods used to accomplish these goals were of questionable legality. Aylmer credits the two leading protagonists of “Thorough” with good intentions, “cleaner as well as more efficient and absolute government”; but Stone points to the exasperating effect of the policy by noting that “Every aspect of economic life suffered from the feverish interference of bureaucracy whose sole objective seemed to be the extortion of money by the imposition of petty and irritating regulations.” Though these scholars discuss “Thorough” only in terms of its secular aspect, Christopher Hill has devoted considerable space to its ecclesiastical adherents, or to the possible impact that “Thorough” might have had at particular levels of the church bureaucracy.

From Revivalism to Anti-Revivalism to Whig Politics: The Strange Career of Calvin Colton

2001 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES D. BRATT
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Career Path ◽  
Consistent Pattern ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Advocacy ◽  
Social Advocacy ◽  
Whig Party ◽  
Antebellum America ◽  
The One

Calvin Colton (1789–1857) was an important publicist for both evangelical revivalism and the Whig party in antebellum America. Contrary to the standard historical interpretations, however, Colton did not move smoothly from the one to the other but took up political advocacy only after denouncing Yankee revivalism and its attendant social advocacy as threats to Church and State alike. At the same time his turn to episcopacy went together with a pronounced anglophobia. An analysis of Colton's rhetoric and career path reveals a consistent pattern beneath his unexpected changes and some under-explored dimensions of American religion before the Civil War.

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