Empresses in the Palace: historical drama and its reflections on the political and workplace culture in contemporary China

2018 ◽  
pp. 189
Author(s):  
Leticia Placín Alonso

<p>El presente trabajo centra su atención en el estudio de Don Álvaro de Luna, Condestable de Castilla, drama histórico en prosa y verso del escritor valenciano José María Bonilla, estrenado en Valencia en 1838. En ese momento, solo un lustro después de la muerte de Fernando VII y en plena guerra carlista, Bonilla, periodista y fundador él mismo de diversos periódicos de corriente liberal encarna los postulados de la primera generación romántica. Como dramaturgo, el drama histórico le sirve para manifestar su posicionamiento frente a los acontecimientos políticos de su época, a partir de una estética romántica cuyos principales rasgos analizo en el título que me ocupa.</p><p><br /><br />The present paper is centred on the study of Don Álvaro de Luna, Condestable de Castilla, historical drama<br />both in prose and verse, by the Valencian writer José María Bonilla, which was first performed in Valencia<br />in 1838. At that moment, just five years after the death of Fernando VII and in the middle of the<br />Carlist War, Bonilla, journalist and founder himself of several liberal-thinking journals embodies the<br />postulates of the first romantic generation. As a playwright, historical drama is used by him to voice his<br />positioning regarding the political events of his time, based on romantic aesthetics whose main traits <br />analyse in the present title.</p>


Author(s):  
Uradyn E. Bulag

This article invokes a Chinese political concept of ‘sinicization’, aiming to capture the nature of ethnic relations in China historically, and the political fate of ethnic groups in contemporary China. Sinicization has powerful genealogical and governmental dimensions; it is not primarily an ‘acculturation’ process as it is understood generally. Sinicization may not kill people directly, but it murders the non- Chinese sense of genealogical differences and their polities. The discussion concludes that sinicization has made a remarkable success in the PRC more than at any other time in Chinese history. Chinese policies have been directed at destroying the possibility that non-Chinese national identity might have any political meaning, at destroying the minorities' capacity to think and engage in politics independently as sovereign ethnic groups.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-28
Author(s):  
Yushun Huang ◽  
Kathryn Henderson

Abstract“Meritocracy” is among the political phenomena and political orientations found in modern Western democratic systems. Daniel A. Bell, however, imposes it on ancient Confucianism and contemporary China and refers to it in Chinese using loaded terms such asxianneng zhengzhi賢能政治 andshangxian zhi尚賢制. Bell’s “political meritocracy” not only consists of an anti-democratic political program but also is full of logical contradictions: at times, it is the antithesis of democracy, and, at other times, it is a supplement to democracy; sometimes it resolutely rejects democracy, and sometimes it desperately needs democratic mechanisms as the ultimate guarantee of its legitimacy. Bell’s criticism of democracy consists of untenable platitudes, and his defense of “political meritocracy” comprises a series of specious arguments. Ultimately, the main issue with “political meritocracy” is its blatant negation of popular sovereignty as well as the fact that it inherently represents a road leading directly to totalitarianism.


1995 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfred L. Chan ◽  
Paul Nesbitt-Larking

AbstractIn this investigation of civil society in China, the authors develop a new concept: “critical citizenship,” defined as the propensity of citizens to discriminate in their support for the political community, the regime and the authorities. Critical citizenship is employed to indicate the presence of civil society in contemporary China. Using survey data gathered throughout China by Min Qi, the authors test hypotheses about the propensity of Chinese citizens toward critical citizenship. They conclude that the Chinese indeed discriminate in their support for the three objects of political attention, and that youth are particularly likely to manifest critical citizenship.


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