scholarly journals Het optreden van ds. Fredrik Slomp tijdens de crisisjaren en de opkomst van het fascisme

Author(s):  
Bert Jan Hartman

Abstract The focus of this article is on the actions of Reverend Frits Slomp, vicar of the Reformed Church in Heemse, during the economic depression of the 1930s, and his response to the rise of national socialism as a new political movement. During the depression many labourers in Heemse and Hardenberg lost their jobs. Reverend Slomp put a great deal of personal effort into helping these men and into trying to solve their social-economic problems. When in 1933 the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) came into power in Germany and the National Socialist Party (NSB) was gaining ground in the Netherlands, Reverend Slomp warned about the dangers of National Socialism.

Quaerendo ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 284-304
Author(s):  
Gerard Groeneveld

AbstractDe Amsterdamsche Keurkamer, founded in 1932, was the first National Socialist publishing house in the Netherlands. Under the management of author and poet George Kettmann the firm grew to become one of the major cultural mainstays of National Socialism in Holland. Kettmann earned himself some sort of reputation in the late thirties when he brought out a Dutch translation of Hitler’s Mein Kampf. In the years of the occupation his company succeeded in defining the position and character of the ‘official’ literature ‐ ‘official’ meaning in line with National Socialist ideology.


1976 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 251-273
Author(s):  
Bruce F. Pauley

Until recently students of fascism have paid relatively little attention to Austria. This neglect is unfortunate since the country's geographic position exposed it to the crosscurrents of both Italian and German forms of fascism and made Austria a kind of microcosm of European fascism. The struggle between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy for control of the small Alpine Republic was reflected in Austria in the conflict between the pro-Italian Heimwehr and the pro-German Austrian National Socialist Party.


Author(s):  
Herbert Marcuse

This chapter proposes the dissolution of the Nazi Party and its affiliated organizations. The reports suggests When the Allies march into Nazi Germany, they will probably find the regime in a state of disintegration. Some of the agencies and institutions of Nazism may still be functioning, but the key positions of political control and terror will have been abandoned. The occupying authorities are committed not only to safeguarding the security of the Allied forces and to maintaining public law and order, but also to the destruction of Nazism. Nazism can be eliminated only through an internal political movement in Germany. The first step in this undertaking would be the dissolution of the National Socialist Party as well as its affiliate and controlled organizations, and the removal and apprehension of all officials who participated in the formulation of policy or had considerable responsibility in carrying it out.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-365
Author(s):  
Nathaniël Kunkeler

This article compares the party apparatuses of the National Socialist Movement of the Netherlands and the National Socialist Workers’ Party of Sweden. These two parties, founded in the 1930s, both to some extent mimicked the organisational model of Hitler's party in Germany. While this has been frequently noted, the deployment of this model in practice has not been analysed in any detail. The article explores the specific characters of the Swedish and Dutch fascist party organisations diachronically vis-à-vis propaganda, member activism and internal cohesion, highlighting their changes, successes and failures. The comparison reveals that the party apparatus was highly dependent on the specifics of national infrastructure, demographic distribution and urbanisation and the physical landscape, with notable consequences for internal party cohesion and morale. In the final analysis the relative appeal and popularity of the parties is shown party be the result of how the Nazi organisational model was deployed in practice within each national context.


2002 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 537-552
Author(s):  
T. Mills Kelly

During a debate on the franchise reform bill in the Austrian Reichsrat on 12 September 1906, the Czech National Socialist Party deputy Václav Choc demanded that suffrage be extended to women as well as men. Otherwise, Choc asserted, the women of Austria would be consigned to the same status as “criminals and children.” Choc was certainly not the only Austrian parliamentarian to voice his support for votes for women during the debates on franchise reform. However, his party, the most radical of all the Czech nationalist political factions, was unique in that it not only included women's suffrage in its official program, as the Social Democrats had done a decade earlier, but also worked hard to change the political status of women in the Monarchy while the Social Democrats generally paid only lip service to this goal. Moreover, Choc and his colleagues in the National Socialist Party helped change the terms of the debate about women's rights by explicitly linking the “woman question” to the “national question” in ways entirely different from the prevailing discourse of liberalism infin-de-siècleAustria. In the last decades of the nineteenth century, liberal reformers, whether German or Czech, tried to mold the participation of women in political life to fit the liberal view of a woman's “proper” role in society. By contrast, the radical nationalists who rose to prominence in Czech political culture only after 1900, attempted to recast the debate over women's rights as central to their two-pronged discourse of social and national emancipation, while at the same time pressing for the complete democratization of Czech political life at all levels, not merely in the imperial parliament. In so doing, and with the active but often necessarily covert collaboration of women associated with the party, these radical nationalists helped extend the parameters of the debate over the place Czech women had in the larger national society.


Author(s):  
Nitzan Shoshan

Abstract This article examines whether and how the figure of Adolf Hitler in particular, and National Socialism more generally, operate as moral exemplars in today’s Germany. In conversation with similar studies about Mosely in England, Franco in Spain, and Mussolini in Italy, it seeks to advance our comparative understanding of neofascism in Europe and beyond. In Germany, legal and discursive constraints limit what can be said about the Third Reich period, while even far-right nationalists often condemn Hitler, for either the Holocaust or his military failure. Here I revise the concept of moral exemplarity as elaborated by Caroline Humphry to argue that Hitler and National Socialism do nevertheless work as contemporary exemplars, in at least three fashions: negativity, substitution, and extension. First, they stand as the most extreme markers of negative exemplarity for broad publics that understand them as illustrations of absolute moral depravity. Second, while Hitler himself is widely unpopular, Führer-substitutes such as Rudolf Hess provide alternative figures that German nationalists admire and seek to emulate. Finally, by extension to the realm of the ordinary, National Socialism introduces a cast of exemplars in the figures of loving grandfathers or anonymous fallen soldiers. The moral values for which they stand, I show, appear to be particularly significant for young nationalists. An extended, more open-ended notion of exemplarity, I conclude, can offer important insights about the lingering afterlife of fascist figures in the moral life of European nationalists today.


1986 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 464
Author(s):  
Norman E. Saul ◽  
V. A. Ushakov ◽  
V. N. Pleshkov ◽  
A. A. Fursenko

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-68
Author(s):  
Leon van den Broeke

Abstract The Reformed Church in America is wrestling with an interesting question in ecclesiology and church order: is there a place within the church for so-called non-geographic classes. Non-geographic classes are classes which are not formed around a geographic regional principal, but by agreement in theological perspective or a peculiar way that a congregation is shaped. The question central to this article is then: is there a place in Reformed churches for non-geographical classes? In answering this question, the following will be considered: a similar proposal from the Gereformeerde Bond in the Netherlands Reformed Church in 1998; the geographic-regional principle; the Walloon Classis; the Classis of Holland; the Reformed Church in America; Flying, diocesan and titular bishops and finally a conclusion.


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