A Quaint and Quixotic Group of Gentlemen

Author(s):  
Jennifer Ritterhouse

This chapter begins by contrasting Daniels's open-minded, documentary approach to his travels through the South with the staunch, conservative convictions of Nashville Agrarian Donald Davidson. The chapter provides an overview of Agrarian thought in I'll Take My Stand and subsequent writings, as well as an understanding of how the thinking of Howard Odum, Rupert Vance, and other southern Regionalists differed. The Southern Policy Committee, fostered by Francis Pickens Miller, brought the Agrarians and Regionalists into direct debate. By the late 1930s, the Agrarian group had disbanded, but Davidson kept the faith while becoming increasingly reactionary on racial issues. In 1955 he became the founding president of the Tennessee Federation for Constitutional Government, an organization dedicated to resisting the integration of public schools. Even by 1937, Daniels could sense that Davidson felt a deep sadness over the passing of his idealized, traditional South.

2004 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 5-23
Author(s):  
James L. Baumgardner

Throughout much of its existence, the Democratic Party was heavily dependent upon the votes of the white South for its electoral success. In the last forty years, that situation has changed drastically. The erstwhile Democratic Solid South has been transformed into a Republican bastion. While many commentators still seek to explain this phenomenon in terms of race, white Southerners publicly are able to maintain political correctness by setting their change of political heart in a quite different context. This paper seeks to place the current political situation in the South in a historical context that explains how the racial issues that actually launched the downfall of the Democratic Party in that region became eclipsed by a national cultural conflict that has allowed an ever increasing number of white voters in the South to explain themselves in the transcending language of morality that comes so easily to Republicans rather than in the debasing context of race.


Author(s):  
Devin Caughey

This introductory chapter lays down the groundwork for the argument that the white polyarchy model provides the best account of congressional representation in the one-party South. This framework characterizes the South as an exclusionary one-party enclave, which departed from normal democratic politics in three major respects: its exclusion of many citizens from the franchise, its lack of partisan competition, and its embeddedness within a national democratic regime. Each of these features had important implications for Southern politics. The argument here is that white polyarchy provides the best description of congressional politics in the South, but this argument also rests on a number of empirical premises. To that end, the chapter outlines a focus on the issues of regulation, redistribution, and social welfare at the core of the New Deal agenda, largely bracketing explicitly racial issues except insofar as they intersected with economic policymaking. Finally, it outlines the major implications set out by this argument for our understanding of the character and persistence of the South's exclusionary one-party enclaves.


Author(s):  
Derrick E. White

This chapter analyses the effects of FAMU’s struggles in 1964 and 1965 during the opening years of athletic integration in the South. Additionally, the Black Power movement challenged Gaither’s conservatism on racial issues. Gaither and other HBCU coaches pursued playing predominately white colleges as a means to counter the expected effects of desegregation. Gaither believed that open competition would show that FAMU was the best team in Florida.


1993 ◽  
Vol 56 (12) ◽  
pp. 434-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mabule R Matlala

This article raises a few issues that prevail in the South African society which may interfere with therapeutic relationships in rehabilitation. Although it focuses on health matters, many of the racial issues discussed are not exclusive either to health or to South Africa. Suggestions that may facilitate communication between the various ethnic groups are proposed. Some of the interpretations and suggestions are the personal opinions of the author.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-262
Author(s):  
Stephen James Jackson

PurposeThis paper explores religious education (RE) in South Australia from 1968–1980. It focuses especially on the collapse of the RE settlement from 1968–1972 and the controversial legislation and subsequent curricula emerging from changes to the Education Act in 1972.Design/methodology/approachThis paper draws upon archival materials, published sources from the South Australian Institute of Teachers, the South Australian Education Department and the Religious Education Project Team, as well as an interview with Malcolm McArthur, one of the most influential figures in the controversy.FindingsFollowing the collapse of religious instruction from 1968–1972, the Minister of Education quickly passed legislation regarding a new course of religious education. A major controversy subsequently broke out over the appropriateness and design of a new programme of religious education. Educators attempted to design an educationally sound programme of RE that would avoid the problem of indoctrination. Ultimately, a new programme was created that satisfied neither proponents nor opponents of religion in state schools, and General Religious Teaching gradually faded from South Australian classrooms by 1980.Originality/valueThe article engages with broader debates on the nature of secularity in Australian history. In particular, it complicates the political-institutional approach developed by Damon Mayrl by stressing the agency and significance of elite educational and religious actors in the creation of new secular settlements. It also provides a useful addition to an older South Australian historiography by utilising newly available sources on the topic.


2001 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Ng

This article measures the wealth redistribution effected by southern public schools and the taxes which supported them. It extends and contributes to the existing literature on this subject in three ways. First, the measurement is based on a larger sample of southern states and over more years than previous efforts. Second, this article establishes that from 1880 to 1910 throughout the South the public schools were a conduit for a consistent and significant flow of resources from whites to blacks. Blacks did not pay enough taxes to fully finance black public schools even at the lower levels dictated by white controlled school boards. Third, the establishment of segregated schools and the disenfranchisement of southern blacks did not eliminate this transfer but only moderately reduced it. The effect of Plessy v. Ferguson and the establishment of segregated schools was not as large as previously thought.


2017 ◽  
Vol 82 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliet Perumal ◽  
Graham Edwards

Promulgated by Nelson Mandela in December 1996, South Africa’s post-Apartheid Constitution draws on the Bill of Rights to affirm the democratic values of human dignity, equality and freedom. As an emerging democracy, South Africa further seeks to address issues of social justice and equality in education through the South African Schools Act of 1996. This Act sets out policies and practices intended to redress past injustices and support the rights of learners, educators and parents. Drawing on critical feminist theory, this study explored the experiences of female educational leaders in South Africa’s disadvantaged rural school communities. This qualitative research project adopted a case study research design. Data were collected through in-depth interviews and observations. The aims of this paper are: (i) to investigate the principles of social justice and equity as expressed through spiritual leadership; and (ii) to interpret these principles in relation to education policies. Identifying connectedness and spirituality as prerequisites for spiritual leadership, the study found that spiritual leadership is a means through which social justice leadership can be enacted. While the South African Schools Act upholds the notion that public schools promote democracy through respect for all and tolerance of diverse religious beliefs, this paper does not conflate spirituality with religion. It instead, explores alternative interpretations which explore spiritual leadership and restorative justice as vehicles through which equity and social justice can be understood and enacted.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document