Introduction

Author(s):  
Noeleen McIlvenna

The Introduction gives an overview of the book’s narrative -- the seventeenth-century English Revolution’s overthrow of monarchy and the quest for more political representation by regular people. While a king was reinstated in England in 1660, poor people carried the ideas across the Atlantic to the Chesapeake colonies. There a network of activists, with women at the center, crossed colonial boundaries to pursue a society founded on equality. But the growth of the slave system would undermine their efforts.

Author(s):  
David Stasavage

This chapter examines public credit and political representation in three European territorial states: France, Castile, and Holland. It tackles the following question: If having a representative assembly with strong control over finance had major advantages, then why could territorial states not emulate the institutions present in their city-state neighbors? The chapter first considers the early history of the rentes sur l'Hôtel de Ville and how it set the stage for the French monarchy's frequent difficulty in later obtaining access to credit. It then discusses absolutism in Castile and Castilian public credit in the seventeenth century, along with representative assemblies in the Dutch Republic. The experience of France, Castile, and the Dutch Republic shows that most territorial states faced obstacles in establishing an intensive form of political representation, and thus in gaining access to credit.


PMLA ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 98 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Murray

Seventeenth-century French patronage of the theater was an ideal means of political legitimation. While Louis xm sporadically exercised patronage through royal decrees and attendance at comedies, the Cardinal de Richelieu, who better understood the theater's political benefits, actively influenced its technical aspects: the acting companies, the scripts, and the dramatic conventions and mechanics. The goal of Richelieu's patronage was the beholders' symbolic identification of the elements of refined theater with the genius of the cardinal underwriting them. The lansenists' tracts against the theater scorned this sort of symbolic transference as a commonplace of dramatic “portraiture.” Pierre Nicole's theory of spectatorship criticized the beholder's tendency to accept theatrical images as models of imitation, which gave life to a world of simulacra advantageous to political representation. The phantasmic force of the illusion of legitimacy fueled the system of art and politics in seventeenth-century France.


1999 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 257-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andy Wood

Social historians of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England have tended to see literacy as a modernising force which eroded oral tradition and overrode local identities. Whereas the increasing literacy of the period has long appeared an important constituent element of Tudor and Stuart England's early modernity, custom has been represented as its mirror image. Attached to cumbersome local identities, borne from the continuing authority of speech, bred within a plebeian culture which was simultaneously pugnacious and conservative, customary law has been taken to define a traditional, backward-looking mind-set which stood at odds to the sharp forces of change cutting into the fabric of early modern English society. 1 Hence, social historians have sometimes perceived the growing elite hostility to custom as a part of a larger attack upon oral culture. In certain accounts, this elite antipathy is presented as a by-product of die standardising impulses of early capitalism. 2 Social historians have presented the increasing role of written documents in the defence of custom as the tainting of an authentic oral tradition, and as further evidence of the growing dom-nation of writing over speech. Crudely stated, orality, and hence custom, is seen as ‘of the people’; while writing was ‘of the elite’. In this respect as in others, social historians have therefore accepted all too readily John Aubrey's nostalgic recollections of late seventeenth century that Before printing, Old Wives tales were ingeniose and since Printing came in fashion, till a little before the Civil warres, the ordinary Sort of people were not taught to reade & now-a-dayes Books are common and most of the poor people understand letters: and the many good Bookes and the variety of Turnes of Affaires, have putt the old Fables out of dores: and the divine art of Printing and Gunpowder have frighted away Robin-good-fellowe and the Fayries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-326
Author(s):  
Fernando Ciaramitaro ◽  
Loris De Nardi

El donativo fue una institución fundamental en la organización imperial de la monarquía hispánica, tanto en el Mediterráneo como en las Indias. La Corona, sin haber creado un sistema directo de representatividad política en América, puso en práctica una metodología de recaudación alternativa a las asambleas representativas y centrada en los donativos voluntarios. Así, inauguró en el Nuevo Mundo un proceso extraordinario para la recaudación de recursos necesarios en la gestión imperial de sus intereses. En la primera mitad del siglo xvii un gobernador de Filipinas y un presidente de la Audiencia guatemalteca pidieron donativos voluntarios a los titulares de oficios sujetos a sus respectivas jurisdicciones, reforzando así el régimen fiscal del donativo en las Américas. Donation systems were fundamental in the imperial organization of the Spanish monarchy, both in the Mediterranean and the Indies. The Crown, without creating a direct system of political representation in America, implemented fundraising systems emphasizing voluntary donations as an alternative to representative assemblies. Thus commenced an extraordinary process in the New World of fundraising the resources necessary to manage its imperial interests. During the first half of the seventeenth century, a governor in the Philippines and a presiding governor of the Guatemalan Audience each requested voluntary donations from acting officials under their respective jurisdictions. This reinforced the donation-based funding system in the Americas.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.


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