scholarly journals The Unknown Victims: Hegemonic Masculinity, Masculinities, and Male Sexual Victimisation

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aliraza Javaid

This paper adopts the theoretical framework of hegemonic masculinity to elucidate and make sense of male sexual victimisation. Critically evaluating the empirical data, which comprises of police officers and practitioners in voluntary agencies (N = 70), that this paper offers, I argue that gender expectations, hegemonic masculinities and sexism prevail in societies, state and voluntary agencies. It has been found that, because male rape victims embody subordinate masculinities, they are marginalised as ‘abnormal’ and ‘deviant’. They are, in other words, classified as the ‘other’ for challenging and contradicting hegemonic masculinity, disrupting the gender order of men. Consequently, male sexual victimisation is not taken seriously in services, policy and practice, whilst the victims of this crime type are relegated in the gender hierarchy. As a result, male rape victims suffer a ‘masculinity crisis’ in the context of male rape. This paper attempts to open up a dialogue regarding male rape and male sexual assault, to challenge hegemonic masculinity, and to bring male rape ‘out of the closet’.

2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 454-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aliraza Javaid

This UK study is about perceptions and constructions of male rape among police officers and agency practitioners. This paper seeks to particularly understand and explain the relationship between vulnerability and male sexual victimisation in the UK. It employs gender and sexualities frameworks to elucidate the connection between vulnerability and male rape, offering primary data (N = 70). The data consist of police officers and voluntary agency practitioners. I aim to make sense of male rape discourse through the participants’ voices since they intimately serve male rape victims/offenders on a one-to-one basis. Because of the lack of male rape research specifically looking at this nuanced area that I seek to explore, this paper will attempt to open up a dialogue regarding male rape not only in an academic context but also in a policy and practice context. This paper also offers suggestions for policy and practice to better deal with male rape victims and to tackle gender inequality and injustice both in a social and criminal justice context. Ultimately, I argue that male rape is often mistakenly considered as a ‘homosexual issue’, so gay and bisexual men who have been raped are regarded as unmasculine or, in other words, not ‘real’ men. Myths and misconceptions of male rape have serious implications for the way societies, the criminal justice system and the voluntary sector view and treat these victims.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aliraza Javaid

Drawing on a Foucauldian approach and on interview data including male rape counsellors, therapists and voluntary agency caseworkers ( N=70), the author attempts to make sense of the different ways in which male rape is constructed in order to better understand how it is considered and responded to in current English society. The qualitative data herein, which were collected through semi-structured interviews and qualitative questionnaires, are theoretically and conceptually informed. The author argues that male rape is socially and culturally constructed in voluntary agencies in England and shaped by discourse, power and knowledge. For example, discourse on male rape is constructed and reconstructed through social and power relations, and through social interactions between voluntary agency practitioners and male rape victims, accompanied by the attendant social structures and social practices. The implication of these arguments is that the voluntary agency practitioners think about and respond to male rape victims in an inconsistent, unpredictable and variable way, meaning that the practitioners are reliant on different discourses and cultural myths about male rape when providing support and services for male rape victims.


Author(s):  
Joanna Jamel

The current study of the specialist police response to male rape survivors focused on Sexual Offenses Investigative Technique (SOIT) officers to explore whether a differential level of service is influenced by an officer's and/or victim's gender. Data on both police and male and female rape survivors were comparatively analyzed using the qualitative method of thematic analysis. Key issues that emerged included: (1) Rape victims reported a lack of confidence in the judicial system; this was more apparent in male survivors' responses and was one of the factors that informed their decision whether or not to report their victimization. (2) Both male and female rape victims demonstrate a gender preference for female SOIT officers, which reinforces the historical approach within the police force to encourage females to apply for such positions. Tis practice suggests a reliance on gender stereotypes as heuristics to assess the likelihood of the empathy and sensitivity of the SOIT officer's response. (3) Finally, few male rape victims reported their victimization, and those who did frequently experienced a gendered response that was often negative and could delay their recovery process. Recommendations are also made regarding best practice in SOIT officer training.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aliraza Javaid

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore whether the voluntary sector meets male rape victims’ needs in England, UK. The author’s contribution represents an attempt to piece together some of the voluntary sector’s responses to male rape victims in England, UK and examine whether they meet male rape victims’ needs. Design/methodology/approach The author draws on data collected from semi-structured interviews and qualitative questionnaires with male rape counsellors, therapists and voluntary agency caseworkers (n=70). Findings The findings reveal nuanced themes that have been overlooked in the existing literature of male rape: first, male rape victims are not given a choice of their voluntary agency practitioner (regarding gender) to serve them; second, there is no specific training on male rape in voluntary agencies; third, the impact of limited resources and funding in the voluntary sector means that many male rape victims’ needs are unmet; and finally, there is ageism and discrimination in some voluntary agencies, whereby male rape victims are prioritised in terms of their age. Research limitations/implications Methodologically, the author’s sample size was not considerably large (n=70), making it difficult to generalise the findings to all voluntary agency practitioners in a British context. Practical implications At a time of scarce funding and scant resources for the third sector, the impact of limited resources and funding in the voluntary sector could mean that male rape victims may not receive proper care and treatment. Budget cuts in the third sector are problematic, in that voluntary agencies may be unable to get access to robust training programs for male rape or to resources that can help shape and develop the ways in which they serve male rape victims. The needs of male rape victims, therefore, are unlikely to be met at the local, regional and national levels. Social implications Some practitioners are misinformed about male rape and do not have the tools to be able to adequately and efficiently handle male rape victims. Not only can their lack of understanding of male rape worsen male rape victims’ trauma through inappropriate ways of handling them, but also the practitioners may implicitly reinforce male rape myths, such as “male rape is solely a homosexual issue” or “men cannot be raped”. Originality/value Whilst previous contributions have recognised the third sector’s responses to female rape victims, little work has been done to identify their treatment of male rape victims. The author attempts to fill some of this lacuna. In particular, The author draws attention to some of the issues and dilemmas that arise when voluntary agencies provide services for male victims of rape. The author’s concern is that many male rape victims’ needs may be neglected or ignored because of the rise in neoliberalism, as there appears to be a financial meltdown in the voluntary sector.


Author(s):  
Aliraza Javaid

Drawing on heteronormativity and hegemonic masculinity, this paper seeks to unravel the issue of the underreporting of male rape to the police and to the third sector. Critically examining the issue of male sexual victimisation will provide a fuller understanding of it within the police and third sector context. Underpinned by gender theories and concepts and the framework of heteronormativity, I argue that male victims of rape are reticent to engage with the police and voluntary agency practitioners because of hostile, sexist and homophobic reactions, attitudes, and appraisal, particularly from other men in these agencies within England to police masculinities and sexualities. I draw on primary data of police officers and voluntary agency practitioners (n = 70) to illustrate the ways wherein gender and sexualities norms and beliefs affect and shape their understanding and view of men as victims of rape. The data suggests that, when male rape victims report their rape, they are susceptible to a ‘fag discourse’, whereby the police and voluntary agency practitioners are likely to perpetuate language to suggest that the victims are not ‘real’ men, intensifying their reluctance to report and to engage with the criminal justice system. Thus, the police and voluntary agency practitioners’, particularly male workers, masculinities are strengthened through emasculating male rape victims.


2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aliraza Javaid

This empirical article focuses on how HIV intersects with male rape, and how the virus challenges and weakens male rape victims’ sense of masculinity. Drawing on hegemonic masculinity to elucidate the different ways in which men as victims of rape cope with their disease, the article argues that male victims handle the effects of rape themselves to keep their masculinity intact. Drawing on interviews with HIV positive and non-HIV positive male rape victims ( N = 15), it is argued that male victims of rape not only often struggle to manage their HIV status in a social sphere, but also may suffer contradictions in relation to embodying hegemonic masculinity. In addition to such struggles, male rape victims sometimes attract victim blaming attitudes, such as ‘he asked for it’, indicating that male rape victims are blamed for both contracting HIV and for being raped. HIV positive and non-HIV positive male rape victims question their masculinity while stigma develops through social relations with other people, particularly other men. Male rape myths are present in western society. This article seeks to open up a dialogue surrounding the salient issues associated with male rape, including HIV and male rape myths, while attempting to eliminate such harmful myths. It is important to tackle male rape myths because they can contribute to the underreporting of male rape and can compound male rape victims’ reluctance to seek help for their HIV, emotional and psychological suffering.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 748-766 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aliraza Javaid

This paper critically engages with notions of sexualities and male rape, using the concepts of heteronormativity and the social construction of sexualities to make sense of male sexual victimization. It offers primary data, which were collected via qualitative interviews and qualitative questionnaires involving police officers and practitioners working in voluntary agencies ( N = 70). The theoretical framework of heteronormativity is used to elucidate the data, drawing on issues and notions of sexualities that shape the ways in which state and voluntary agencies perceive, respond to and deal with male victims of rape. The aim of this paper, then, is to explore how notions of sexualities affect British state and voluntary agencies’ understanding of male rape and their views of men as victims of rape. I argue that state and voluntary agencies see male rape solely as a homosexual issue. As a result, heterosexual male rape victims, in particular, fear that societies will see them as homosexuals potentially drawing in homophobic reactions, responses or appraisals from others because rape challenges men’s heterosexual identity and sense of self as a ‘real’ man. Owing to the myth that male rape is a homosexual issue, and owing to heteronormativity, rape between men is seen as ‘consensual’ because anal penetration is considered to be an activity for gay men. Thus, sexist, homophobic and disbelieving attitudes emerge.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Hermolle ◽  
Samantha J. Andrews ◽  
Ching-Yu S. Huang

The #MeToo movement has facilitated a growing awareness in the UK of rape stereotypes but there has been little research on how accurately rape is perceived in this region, especially regarding demographics such as ethnicity and age. This study recruited 1,000 participants, representative of the UK population, to complete an online survey prompting beliefs about rape perpetrators, rape victims, rape allegations, male rape, and motives for and consequences of rape. After carrying out frequency analyses on agree-incorrect and disagree-incorrect statements, we found that, generally, accuracy was high, although there were higher levels of stereotype acceptance for perpetrator related stereotypes. Further analysis found that in terms of demographic differences, Black and Asian participants and men were significantly more likely to accept stereotypes than other demographic groups. Implications for policy and practice are discussed, including potential for jury education, and educational media campaigns aimed at the demographics most likely to accept stereotypes.


2016 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 228-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aliraza Javaid

The aim of this present work is to explore police officers’ experiences and views in respect of male rape. I critically examine the role of the police, and their experiences and perceptions of handling male rape cases. This study presents detailed, in-depth, and rich data from the police in England. The findings are generated from the police, male rape counsellors, male rape therapists and voluntary agency workers. The participants were interviewed and filled out qualitative questionnaires, which were kept anonymous. I ensured that those who were interviewed did not also fill out a questionnaire, as each method addresses issues in a different form. To inform the development of the semi-structured interview schedule and the qualitative questionnaires, I drew on Abdullah-Khan (2008) in order to shape the types of questions that I asked. Overall, this study gained a sample size of 70 participants. In this paper, I solely focus on state agencies’ responses and attitudes toward male rape. From the findings, five distinct themes emerged: (1) level of communications between officers and victims; (2) perpetuation of male rape myths and stereotypes by judges and juries; (3) lack of evidence in male rape cases; (4) attrition in male rape cases; and (5) issues of consent in male rape cases. There are serious concerns in terms of how the criminal justice system deals with male rape victims, resulting not only in poor treatment of the victims, but also increasing the attrition rate and decreasing the conviction rate in male rape cases. I attempt to tackle poor police practice herein.


2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Tucker ◽  
Midge Wilson ◽  
Christine Reyna ◽  
Kevin McLemore

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