scholarly journals Differentials in Female Age at Marriage in Pakistan: Have they Changed or Not?

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-94
Author(s):  
Aneel Shahzad

Age at marriage is an important factor to study the marriage patterns of a country because of strong relationship between age at first marriage and childbearing. In this study, effects of one major socio-cultural factor female education and place of residence have been illustrated. The present study attempted to find differentials in female age at marriage in Pakistan since Pakistan has begun to face early demographic transition since 90’s. The investigation of differentials in female age at marriage in this study is generally based on data analysis of Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey (PDHS) 2006-07. While comparative analysis also discussed in a separate section with findings of PDHS, 2012-13. The age at first marriage of women lived in major urban areas seemed to carry with them the influence of the urban lifestyle and are also influenced by the educational enrollment opportunities.

1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 395-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. I. De Silva

SummaryOver the last four decades in Sri Lanka, age at first marriage for males increased marginally, and for females it rose considerably, but there has been no recent increase in female age at marriage. Among the younger cohorts, estimated ages at which some married indeed show a declining mean age at marriage. Coale-McNeil estimates indicate that there is no real decline in female age at marriage in Sri Lanka. Marriages were delayed as a result of economie hardship or increased mortality to the mid-1970s, but once the overall economy improved after 1977, more marriages took place. Female age at marriage in Sri Lanka remained slightly below 24 years, the age which is anticipated by younger cohorts, and this level is likely to persist for some time.


1987 ◽  
Vol 77 ◽  
pp. 28-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brent D. Shaw

The age at which girls tend to marry is one of the most important factors in determining the overall rates of fertility in a given population, and hence its general demographic profile. It also affects a whole range of social institutions of reproduction, above all the ‘shape’ of the family, the relationships between the mother and her children, between husband and wife, and the ways in which property can be redistributed through inheritance. It is the simple and restricted purpose of this paper to re-examine the data that have hitherto been used to determine the age at marriage of girls in Roman society. For the purposes of this study, ‘Roman society’ is defined as the conglomerate of urban-centred communities that developed in Europe west of the Adriatic, as well as in the lands of the Danubian Basin. It is conceded that family types and modes of family formation in the eastern parts of the empire were different from those in the west, and therefore require separate analysis. In performing this task, the analysis presented here also attempts to demonstrate the highly specific nature of the set of data employed in the ‘age-at-marriage’ debate, and to question its relevance to the age at first marriage of most girls in the western Roman empire. Having demonstrated the limited validity of these data, I shall then suggest another method that might usefully be employed to approach the problem. Finally, to complete the argument, a series of hypotheses will be advanced that seek to link the range and modes of age at first marriage of girls of various status groups and classes to other social and economic factors in the Roman world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 5-34
Author(s):  
Abdul Shukur Abdullah ◽  
Nai Peng Tey ◽  
Irwan Nadzif Mahpul ◽  
Nur Airena Aireen Azman ◽  
Rosdiana Abdul Hamid

This paper aims to examine the correlates of age at first marriage and the consequences of late marriage. Data for this paper were drawn from the 2014 Malaysian Population and Family Survey. Simple cross-tabulation and multiple classification analysis were used for the analysis. Age at marriage of women varied across socio-economic groups. Among the ethnic groups, the Other Bumiputera entered marriage earliest, followed by the Malays, Indians and Chinese. Age at marriage was positively associated with urbanisation, educational level, and women’s autonomy in marriage. The assumption of modern norms and ideas, and escalating cost of marriage are important determinants of marriage postponement. Late marriage has a direct impact on demographic outcomes, resulting in ultra-low fertility for some groups of the population. Marriage postponement has positive socio-economic outcomes for individuals. However, postponing marriage beyond the prime reproductive age may result in some reproductive health problems.


1987 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 715-747 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martha T. Roth

This inquiry focuses on one life stage in the life cycle of ancient Babylonia and Assyria of the first millennium B.C., specifically, the age at first marriage for men and women. I will suggest some implications to be drawn for the household and family patterns resulting from probable age at marriage, and identify native terminology employed in reference to the life stage common for first marriage.


1992 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. A. Sawchuk

ABSTRACT: This article examines the age at first marriage among a series of temporally defined marriage cohorts spanning the period 1909 to 1983 for the civilian inhabitants of the Rock of Gibraltar. The pattern of late marriage among Gibraltarians remained relatively stable until a stage of siege' was imposed by Spain. The reduction in matrimonial age is explored in terms of a host of factors, including a significant rise in the number of women entering the labour force, a reduction in spatially exogamous unions with Spain, and increased feasibility of marriage because of rises in income levels.


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