scholarly journals Sino-Qatari Relations after the ‘Qatar Blockade’ in the Context of the Regional Implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (02) ◽  
pp. 4-24
Author(s):  
Radka Havlová

The article examines the development of the relations between China and Qatar since the ‘Qatar blockade’ in June 2017. Both Qatar and China view themselves as strategic partners and their relations are developing on the diplomatic and political level as well as in the field of economy and finances regardless of the ‘Qatar blockade’ and Qatar’s subsequent regional isolation. The article explains that since the introduction of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, the mutual relations of these two countries have been to an extent influenced by this initiative and Qatar has played an important role in Chinese BRI implementation in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Nevertheless, Qatar’s relations with other Gulf states and the US place some limitations on the potential for Sino-Qatari cooperation within the framework of the BRI. The article argues that despite the regional isolation following the ‘Qatar blockade’ in June 2017, China and Qatar maintain good relations and continue to cooperate under the BRI framework in politics, economy, energy, military and culture.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jordi Quero

This article explores the impact of China on the norms and institutions constituting the regional order in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It does so by assessing the effect that China’s challenges to the global order will have on the MENA. It is argued that scholars tend to focus on Beijing’s foreign policy directly targeting the region, especially the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). But in doing so, they overlook another parallel channel through which China may have an important, even critical, impact: the consequences unfolding from China’s different challenges to the global order. The fact that China may prove successful in articulating parallel and/or alternative norms and institutions to those that currently define the global liberal order could trigger shifts in the MENA normative environment. Three cases are examined in order to assess this potential: its challenge to some elements of the Bretton Woods global economic order; China’s contestation of the Law of the Sea; and its challenge to particular liberal elements of the global order.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (04) ◽  
pp. 37-45
Author(s):  
Zhiqun ZHU

China needs assistance as it restructures and upgrades its economy. Israel fits the bill as a global powerhouse in technologies and innovation. Besides, China considers Israel a potential node in the Belt and Road Initiative. The United States is concerned about China’s growing investments in key Israeli infrastructure and expanding influence in the Middle East. Israel, like other third parties, is caught between the United States and China as US–China rivalry intensifies.


Significance The Middle East has long been polarised between US allies and enemies, while Beijing has historically retained a comparatively smaller footprint and rejected taking sides in regional political and security disputes. However, its economic interests are increasing. Impacts The United States will maintain a comparative advantage from its long history of political, military and economic cooperation in the region. Beijing could leverage its control over large industrial conglomerates in key sectors such as energy, infrastructure and biotechnology. The Belt and Road Initiative will be an attractive project for all Middle Eastern countries, maximising their geographical advantages.


2021 ◽  
pp. 204382062110177
Author(s):  
Weidong Liu

There has been a wave of discourses about Chinese geopolitics along with the quick rise of China, particularly with the Belt and Road Initiative and recent rivalry between the US and China. An et al.’s (2021) ‘Towards a Confucian Geopolitics’ opens a new door to such discourses. While welcoming the notion of hybrid Confucian geopolitics proposed by their article, this commentary raises several critical questions. These questions concern whether everything about China should be interpreted through geopolitical reasoning, whether Confucianism is fundamental and deterministic in contemporary Chinese culture, what is really special to new Chinese geopolitics if anything, and whether China’s Belt and Road Initiative can be understood as a cultural project. Answers to these questions may help to consolidate a new Chinese geopolitics.


Author(s):  
Thomas Chan Man Hung

Introduction. Belt and Road Initiative of China is not something novel. It is the present-day continuation of the millennium-old Eurasian Silk Road that had been disrupted by the colonial expansion of the European powers. After the Cold War even the US and EU have attempted to restore the old Silk Road but with limited success. It was only in 2013 when the Chinese Government announced the Initiative that the world, not just the great powers, has begun once again to speak and think of the revival of the old Silk Road with enthusiasm.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jui-Lung Chen ◽  
Hsiung-Shen Jung

The Belt and Road Initiative advocated by China is expecting to assist in the infrastructure and financing of participating countries and promote free trade through cooperation with countries along the Belt and Road. China hopes to lead the regional economic integration process through investment-driven trade. Out of geopolitical considerations, Russia and India initially held a relatively negative or cautious attitude towards the Belt and Road Initiative. Therefore, Russia proposed the concept of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) in 2011 in order to unite the other independent ASEAN countries based on the customs alliance consisting of Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan, and thus create a supranational consortium, which in turn have the ability to compete and cooperate with the Belt and Road Initiative proposed by China. In 2014, India launched the Indian version of the Belt and Road Initiative, named Project Mausam, expecting to promote the integration of economic and trade exchanges around the Indian Ocean with India as the center. However, after recent strikes by the trade war, China actively seeks assistance from India and Russia in order to break through the US trade blockade. During the G20 summit held in Japan in June 2019, China, India, and Russia held a three-party talk. After the talk, the three countries issued a joint statement claiming that “they shall undertake more global responsibilities to protect the fundamental and long-term interests of the three countries themselves and the world”, which seems to have opened up opportunities for future cooperation among the three countries. Therefore, this paper explores the competitive and cooperative relationship among China, India, and Russia under the Belt and Road Initiative.


2019 ◽  
Vol 237 ◽  
pp. 196-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoram Evron

AbstractSceptics query China's economic and political ability to realize its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Less attention has been paid to BRI's implications for one of the defining features of China's foreign policy: low engagement in areas beyond its traditional sphere of influence. The Middle East is such a case. Addressing this issue, the article explores the mutual impact of China's low political involvement in the Middle East and BRI's realization. Distinguishing cross-border connectivity projects from other BRI-associated activities, the article examines the challenges to executing BRI-related projects in Israel. It finds that realizing connectivity projects – the essence of the BRI vision – will require China to increase its regional engagement, a shift that it has so far avoided.


2020 ◽  
Vol 03 (01) ◽  
pp. 1950026 ◽  
Author(s):  
Basil C. Bitas

This commentary examines China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the US Indo-Pacific strategy as manifestations of an ongoing geopolitical rivalry in Asia and Southeast Asia and further details ASEAN’s potential to act as a strategic bridge for tamping down tensions and thereby promoting regional development. The Belt and Road Initiative and the Indo-Pacific strategy are cast as “dual-purpose” initiatives, reflecting both an economic and a strategic military dimension. This commentary analyzes these developments as part of an overall matrix and suggests that by virtue of its history, orientation and current economic aspirations, ASEAN can legitimately assume the role of “honest broker” to advance regional stability and commercial connectivity at this critical juncture.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document