scholarly journals THE INERTIA OF THE REVOLUTION OR JUST THE BEGINNING: G. MORRIS ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF THE XVIII CENTURY

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (7(57)) ◽  
pp. 3-5
Author(s):  
Daria Andreevna Romanenko

The diary of G. Morris is valuable on the history of the French Revolution of the XVIII century, in particular on the problems of salon life in France, biographies of some outstanding personalities (Talleyrand, Lafayette, Necker). The article mainly focuses on the interpretation of events by the author of the diary — G. Morris, a revolutionary, politician, orator and a recognized authority in the circle of the upper class. G. Morris not only gives a chronology of the history of the revolution, but also rethinks this experience, which has become the subject for the study of this article. To reveal the topic, a question was raised, to which G. Morris indirectly gives an answer. The inertia of the revolution or just the beginning? Will there be a continuation of the revolutionary events or will it come to naught? And Morris was largely right when he said that the revolution did not achieve what was originally planned – freedom, which means that its work is not finished, but on the other hand, although the tension did not completely disappear, it was smoothed out by the activities of the government.

Author(s):  
William Doyle

The historian François Furet proclaimed in 1978, at the start of a much celebrated essay, that ‘The French Revolution is finished’. He meant the Revolution ought to be the subject for detached historical enquiry. ‘Where it stands’ examines what ended the French Revolution, the legacy it left behind, and various interpretations of its legacy, both within France and worldwide. The history of the Revolution, in France at least, has been more a matter of commemoration than scholarly analysis. The bicentenary in 1989 released a torrent of vituperative publishing, most of it denouncing one aspect or another of the Revolution and its legacy.


Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer

This chapter details events in 1973, when the issue for France and the world was whether revolution or counter-revolution should prevail. In every country where the government was at war with the French Republic in 1793—in Britain and Ireland, in the United Provinces and in Belgium restored to the Emperor, in the Austrian Monarchy, the small German states and the Prussian kingdom, in the Italian kingdom of Sardinia—there were groups of people whose sympathies lay in varying degree with the declared enemy. Wherever the French Revolution had been heard of there were men who wished it not to fail. Their concern was not only for France but for the future of some kind of democratization in their own countries. For those, on the other hand, who hoped to see the whole revolution undone, these first months of 1793 saw a revival of the exciting expectations of a year before. The Republic seemed a sinking ship, crazed, in addition, by mutiny in its own crew.


1886 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-341
Author(s):  
Oscar Browning

The arrest of Louis XVI. during his flight from Paris to Montmédy was one of the most important events in the history of the French Revolution, and probably one of the most important in the history of France. It also forms one of the best known and most admired portions of Carlyle's history of the Revolution. It occupies a whole book of the second volume, fifty-four pages of the Library edition. It may therefore be taken as a fair specimen of Carlyle's style, both in its strength and in its weakness. A careful examination of his narrative from a purely prosaic standpoint will throw light on his manner of composition. It may be said that it is un-gracious to criticise in the petty details of fact a narrative which has stirred so many hearts by its tragic pathos, and which in its broad outlines is consistent with the truth. But here lies the whole distinction between the historical poem and the historical novel on the one side, and history proper on the other. Carlyle would have said, if he had been asked, that his one object in writing history was to tell the truth. It is for this reason that he multiplies fact upon fact and detail upon detail, until he has brought the scene vividly before the eyes of the reader. His accuracy can be trusted where he has visited the scenes which he describes, and where he is not carried away by preconceived prejudices or ideas.In history truth is always more tragic and more moving than fiction.


Author(s):  
Ruth Scurr

Thomas Carlyle claimed that his history of the French Revolution was ‘a wild savage book, itself a kind of French Revolution …’. This chapter considers his stylistic approaches to creating the illusion of immediacy: his presentation of seemingly unmediated fact through the transformation of memoir and other kinds of historical record into a compelling dramatic narrative. Closely examining the ways in which he worked biographical anecdote into the fabric of his text raises questions about Carlyle’s wider historical purposes. Pressing the question of what it means to think through style, or to distinguish expressive emotive writing from abstract understanding, is an opportunity to reconsider Carlyle’s relation to his predecessors and contemporaries writing on the Revolution in English.


Author(s):  
James Livesey

This chapter focuses on the French Revolution as one of the most important moments in the entangled history of local cosmopolitanisms. Such ideas as rights, property, and democracy were consciously articulated during the Revolution as universals with cosmopolitan spheres of application, and those ideas had profound global consequences over the following two centuries. Alongside this impact on states and legal structures, the Revolution also had direct effects in every community in France and touched communities outside the hexagon, from India to Ireland. The Revolution transformed the most general contexts, putting the nation-state rather than empire as the organizing principle at the heart of the international order, but it also put the most intimate experiences, such as family and emotion, under new light. The drama of the Revolution exemplified the power of ideas and the ambition to create a rational political order.


1942 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-346
Author(s):  
William O. Shanahan

“It is a great advantage to princes to have perused (military) histories in their youth, for in them they read at length of such assemblies and of the great frauds and deceptions and perjuries which some of the ancients have, practised on one another, and how they have taken and killed those who put their trust in such security. It is not to be said that all have used them, but the example of one is sufficient to make several wise and to cause them to wish to protect themselves.” For present-day democracies this advice of Philippe de Commynes, the fifteenth century French historian, has a pointed meaning. Only when the liberties of free peoples are threatened can their interest in war and armies be aroused. Tyrants and autocrats, on the other hand, never neglect the study of the role of war in statecraft. If we are to remain free the lessons of war must be studied continually. With this principle in mind the present survey of military literature is intended to suggest some of the important books that have been written since the French Revolution.


2018 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 291-312
Author(s):  
Anna Tarnowska

The following contribution is devoted to the informative and political journalism of the Stanislaw II Augustus era. It may constitute a secondary source for the research of law historians, particularly in the studies of the history of the system of government. Among other things, the article refers to “The Index of Bills” (Polish Seriarz Projektów do Prawa) which may be regarded as the first Polish legal periodical. Special attention is devoted to two landmark journals of the Great Sejm period, namely “The National and Foreign Newspaper” (Polish Gazeta Narodowa i Obca) and “The Historical, Political and Economical Journal” (Polish Pamiętnik Historyczno-Polityczno-Ekonomiczny), as well as to their editors. “The National and Foreign Newspaper” became the most popular contemporary periodical (1791-1792) which promulgated the subject matter of the proceedings and the effects of the legislative work of the Great Sejm. Moreover, it was shaping political sympathies of its readers in a relatively subtle way. On the other hand, particular commitment to politics and social policy was expressed by Piotr Świtkowski who was the editor and the publisher of “The Historical, Political and Economical Journal” (1782-1792). The end of both publications was brought about by the legal acts of the Targowica Confederation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 63-72
Author(s):  
Rafael Herra

The importance of the labyrinth and the mirror in the history of culture has never ceased. This article reflects on what they agree on and what can be learned from them. The effort to determine where these myths converge brings me to the theme of the monster, which, however, is not always the same. In the article I point out the differences: the Minotaur represents power and is born alongside the labyrinth; the mirror monster, on the other hand, is inside the subject, and it is also an outer voice — an alter ego. Ethical consequences can be drawn from these observations.


1966 ◽  
Vol 15 (58) ◽  
pp. 115-130
Author(s):  
R.B. McDowell

The French revolution split the English whigs over profound issues of principle. One section, of which Fox was the most prominent member, viewed the revolution, at least in its earlier stages, with considerable sympathy and argued that the war with France could have been avoided. The other section accepted Burke’s interpretation of the revolution and at the beginning of 1793 supported the government’s intervention in the European war. And from the middle of 1792 the possibility of a coalition between this latter section and Pitt was in the air. One factor which delayed the formation of a coalition government was the attitude of the duke of Portland, ‘the natural leader’ of the whig party. Portland, who combined pride of birth with a sense of duty, some political shrewdness and strong opinions which he expressed, when writing, with considerable fluency, seems to have inspired genuine respect and even affection amongst those who worked with him. But he was hesitant, and in the early nineties, while accepting Burke’s views on the revolution, he did not wait to split his party. The existence of the whig party, ‘a union of persons of independent minds and fortunes formed and connected together by their belief in the principles by which the revolution of 1688 was founded’, was essential, he believed, to the welfare of the country. The whig party ‘which alone is entitled to be distinguished by the name of party’, he asserted, ‘must be as eternal as I conceive the constitution of this country to be’.


2003 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 1-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Boyer

My Subject Today is the Austrian Revolution of 1918 and its aftermath, a staple subject in the general history of the empire and the republic, but one that has not seen vigorous historiographical discussion for a number of years. In a recent review of new historiography on the French Revolution, Jeremy Popkin has argued that recent neoliberal and even neo-Jacobin scholarship about that momentous event has confirmed the position of the revolution in the “genealogy of modern liberalism and democracy.” The endless fascination engendered by the French Revolution is owing to its protean nature, one that assayed the possibilities of reconciling liberty and equality and one that still inspires those who would search for a “usable liberal past.”1 After all, it was not only a watershed of liberal ideas, if not always liberal institutions and civic practices, but it was also a testing ground for the possibility of giving practical meaning to new categories of human rights.


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