《明史紀事本末》卷之四十二〈弘治君臣〉校釋

本文逐條校讀《明史紀事本末‧弘治君臣》的文本，註出其可能的史源，並以史源校正文本之訛誤。並以校注結果，兼談作者的編纂水平與史學。今尋其史源，以《皇明大政紀》為最主要史源，全書只有三條文本沒有參考引用《皇明大政紀》。不少條文本，其他史書皆不載，獨《皇明大政紀》載之；是獨家史源。由於編者未參考《明實錄》，全篇99條，時間錯置多達47處。而人名、官名和文字缺漏亦有18處，是本篇缺點。但作者能根據私家史書撰寫一些官方史書忌諱的史事，是本篇優點。其敘事完全配合「谷應泰論贊」對弘治朝政治的評價，論述其君臣之互動，大臣不斷進諫，弘治帝也能採納。對於朝政的負面現象，也不迴避。就此而論，《明史紀事本末‧弘治君臣》仍不失為一篇良史之作。  This is an annotated version of the chapter on “ Emperor Hongzhi and his Ministers” in the Major Events of Ming History, tracing the likely sources upon which the account was based, and using the sources to correct errors in the text. And the essay will further discuss the editorial and historiographical abilities of the compiler. The Chronicle of Major Political Events of the Ming Dynasty was the most important source for this work. In the entire volume, there were only three entries that did not cite the Chronicle of Major Political Events of the Ming Dynasty. Several of the entries cited no historical sources other than the Chronicle of Major Political Events of the Ming Dynasty, and hence it could be the only source. Because the compiler did not consult the Ming Veritable Records, among the ninety-nine entries in the volume, there were as many as forty-seven errors in dates. And there were eighteen errors in names and titles of individuals. These are the weaknesses of this volume. However, the compiler was able to draw upon works by private historians to recount historical events omitted from the official records. This is the strength of this volume. The narrative completely matches the evaluation in “Gu Yingtai’s Assessment” on the Hongzhi reign regarding the interactions between the Hongzhi emperor and his ministers, that the high officials made endless admonitions of the emperor and the emperor was fairly receptive to their opinions. As for the negative aspects of governance during this reign, the work does not avoid them. And hence, the “Emperor Hongzhi and his Ministers” chapter in the Major Events of Ming History can be regarded as a fine historical record.

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Ottoman historical sources regarding China and the diplomatic Relations between the Ming Dynasty and the Ottoman Empire in the records of Mingshi

Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities ◽

10.32508/stdjssh.v4i2.551 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 4 (2) ◽

pp. 346-356

Author(s):

Lu Vi An

Keyword(s):

Ottoman Empire ◽

Ming Dynasty ◽

Social Life ◽

16Th Century ◽

Diplomatic Relations ◽

Historical Sources ◽

History Of ◽

Official Records ◽

India And China ◽

The Ming Dynasty

This paper firstly investigates the perception of the Ottoman Turks on China and Chinese which was reflected in “Khitaynameh” (Book of China) by Ali Ekber and “Kitab-ı Tevarih-i Padişahan-ı Vilayet-i Hindu ve Hitây” (Book on the Histories of the Rulers of the India and China) by Seyfî Çelebi. These were two typical historical geographical works written in the 16th century, indicating the interest of the Ottoman Turks in the country and people of China during the Ming Dynasty. Both works contain valuable records of China’s topography, history, economy, social life and traditional customs. The Ottoman Turks used the term Khitay (Hitay) and Chin to talk about China in these works. Next, the paper analyzes the Chinese perception on the Ottoman Turks and explicates the origin of name Lumi (Rumi State). Then, according to the official records of the Ming Dynasty, the paper describes the major events of the relations between the Ming Dynasty and the Ottoman Empire in the 16th-17th centuries. Based on the chronicles of Mingshi (History of the Ming Dynasty), the Ottoman Turks sent their envoys seven times to China in 1524, 1527, 1559, 1564, 1576, 1581 and 1618. According to Ming shilu (Veritable Records of the Ming) and Da Ming hui dian (Collected Statues of the Great Ming), the Ottoman delegations paid visits to China for a total of 19 times. And one of the particular details recorded is that because the Ottoman Empire often sent the tributes of lions and rhinoceroses to the Ming court, the relations between the two countries during this period were expresed in a metaphorical way as “lion diplomacy”.

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Political Drama in the Ming-Qing Transition: A Study of Four Plays

Ming Qing Yanjiu ◽

10.1163/24684791-01701002 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 17 (01) ◽

pp. 1-34

Author(s):

Alison Hardie

Keyword(s):

Ming Dynasty ◽

Li Yu ◽

Late Ming ◽

Political Events ◽

Political Drama ◽

Late Ming Dynasty ◽

The Late Ming Dynasty ◽

The Phoenix ◽

The Ming Dynasty

In the late Ming dynasty, a new genre of drama arose, which presented on stage recent political events, featuring real historical persons; this genre continued across the Ming-Qing transition. The earliest and one of the best known examples is The Cry of the Phoenix (Ming feng ji), dramatising the conflict between corrupt minister Yan Song (1481-1568) and upright official Yang Jisheng (1516-1555), and probably written by someone in the literary circle of Wang Shizhen (1526-1590). The genre reached its apogee in Kong Shangren’s (1648-1718) The Peach Blossom Fan (Taohua shan). Around the Ming-Qing transition, in the Chongzhen and Shunzhi reigns, a considerable number of plays focused on the conflict during the preceding Tianqi reign between the Eastern Grove (Donglin) faction and the chief eunuch Wei Zhongxian (1568-1627). Eleven plays on this subject are known, of which three survive: Fan Shiyan’s Eunuch Wei Grinds Down the Loyal (Wei jian mo zhong ji), the Clear-Whistling Scholar’s (Qingxiaosheng) A Happy Encounter with Spring (Xi feng chun), and Li Yu’s 李玉 A Roster of the Pure and Loyal (Qing zhong pu). Basing my argument on an examination of these plays and of another play by Li Yu, Reunion across Ten Thousand Miles (Wan li yuan), also based on contemporary events, I suggest that the lively version of events given by these political dramas both reflected and helped to develop and spread the popularly accepted view of late-Ming and Southern Ming factional conflict leading to the fall of the Ming dynasty. According to this view, broadly following the Eastern Grove and Revival Society (Fushe) narrative, the decline and fall of the Ming dynasty was the fault of corrupt officials and evil palace eunuchs who misled the Emperor and were bravely resisted by righteous and incorruptible officials who fell as martyrs to their unprincipled opponents. This simplistic view, endorsed to a great extent in the official Ming History (Ming shi), which was mostly written by former Eastern Grove and Revival Society adherents, has persisted in the popular mind to the present day. I also argue that, after the establishment of the Qing, political drama could serve as a vehicle for the covert expression of Ming loyalism.

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《春秋》微言在《新列國志》中的移轉表現淺說

中正漢學研究 ◽

10.53106/2306036020210600370006 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 37 (37) ◽

pp. 157-194

Author(s):

作者作者

Keyword(s):

Social Influence ◽

Ming Dynasty ◽

Academic Development ◽

Popular Literature ◽

Historical Events ◽

Literary Performance ◽

The Times ◽

The Ming Dynasty

處於銜接傳統與現代交替關鍵的明朝時期，人文風景展示著種種轉換的影像，或顯或隱，不論內涵與形式，都在巨細之間透露出相互呼應的消息，尤其是最能反映各類情境的通俗文學，不但吞吐即時訊息，而且提供背景資料，以及追蹤指南。因此，本論文擬連結儒家經典與通俗文學二者，探討傳統思維在時空易移下的吸納與演化。茲以精研《春秋》的「三言」（《喻世明言》、《警世通言》、《醒世恒言》）作者馮夢龍為關注主體，從轉變的角度，結合時代特質、學術取向、社會樣貌、文本體式、生命情理等多重層面，觀察其所撰《新列國志》之中，承載《春秋》的狀態，並尋繹其脈絡與意涵。  The Ming Dynasty was an era of alternating tradition and modernity. Popular literature was becoming more and more popular, and Feng Meng-long’s Xin Lie Guo Zhi is one of the representatives. This thesis will take Xin Lie Guo Zhi and Confucian classics Chun Que as examples to discuss the acceptance of Confucian thinking in popular literature at that time. The content includes: analysis and comparison of the characteristics of the times, social influence, writing characteristics, and humanistic care of Chun Que and Xin Lie Guo Zhi in angles of historical events, academic development, and literary performance.

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Richard Sisson and Leo E. Rose. War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the Creation of Bangladesh. New Delhi: Vistaar Publications. 1990. 338 pp.Price Rs 225.00 (Hardbound).

The Pakistan Development Review ◽

10.30541/v30i1pp.95-99 ◽

1991 ◽

Vol 30 (1) ◽

pp. 95-99

Author(s):

Ziaul Haque

Keyword(s):

Political Polarization ◽

The Political ◽

New Delhi ◽

Historical Events ◽

National Elections ◽

The Real ◽

Global Issues ◽

Political Processes ◽

Political Events ◽

The Creation

After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.

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