scholarly journals Ottoman historical sources regarding China and the diplomatic Relations between the Ming Dynasty and the Ottoman Empire in the records of Mingshi

Author(s):  
Lu Vi An

This paper firstly investigates the perception of the Ottoman Turks on China and Chinese which was reflected in “Khitaynameh” (Book of China) by Ali Ekber and “Kitab-ı Tevarih-i Padişahan-ı Vilayet-i Hindu ve Hitây” (Book on the Histories of the Rulers of the India and China) by Seyfî Çelebi. These were two typical historical geographical works written in the 16th century, indicating the interest of the Ottoman Turks in the country and people of China during the Ming Dynasty. Both works contain valuable records of China’s topography, history, economy, social life and traditional customs. The Ottoman Turks used the term Khitay (Hitay) and Chin to talk about China in these works. Next, the paper analyzes the Chinese perception on the Ottoman Turks and explicates the origin of name Lumi (Rumi State). Then, according to the official records of the Ming Dynasty, the paper describes the major events of the relations between the Ming Dynasty and the Ottoman Empire in the 16th-17th centuries. Based on the chronicles of Mingshi (History of the Ming Dynasty), the Ottoman Turks sent their envoys seven times to China in 1524, 1527, 1559, 1564, 1576, 1581 and 1618. According to Ming shilu (Veritable Records of the Ming) and Da Ming hui dian (Collected Statues of the Great Ming), the Ottoman delegations paid visits to China for a total of 19 times. And one of the particular details recorded is that because the Ottoman Empire often sent the tributes of lions and rhinoceroses to the Ming court, the relations between the two countries during this period were expresed in a metaphorical way as “lion diplomacy”.

明代研究 ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (37) ◽  
pp. 167-243
Author(s):  
徐泓 徐泓 ◽  
林絲婷 Hong Hsu

<p>本文逐條校讀《明史紀事本末‧弘治君臣》的文本,註出其可能的史源,並以史源校正文本之訛誤。並以校注結果,兼談作者的編纂水平與史學。今尋其史源,以《皇明大政紀》為最主要史源,全書只有三條文本沒有參考引用《皇明大政紀》。不少條文本,其他史書皆不載,獨《皇明大政紀》載之;是獨家史源。由於編者未參考《明實錄》,全篇99條,時間錯置多達47處。而人名、官名和文字缺漏亦有18處,是本篇缺點。但作者能根據私家史書撰寫一些官方史書忌諱的史事,是本篇優點。其敘事完全配合「谷應泰論贊」對弘治朝政治的評價,論述其君臣之互動,大臣不斷進諫,弘治帝也能採納。對於朝政的負面現象,也不迴避。就此而論,《明史紀事本末‧弘治君臣》仍不失為一篇良史之作。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>This is an annotated version of the chapter on &ldquo; Emperor Hongzhi and his Ministers&rdquo; in the Major Events of Ming History, tracing the likely sources upon which the account was based, and using the sources to correct errors in the text. And the essay will further discuss the editorial and historiographical abilities of the compiler. The Chronicle of Major Political Events of the Ming Dynasty was the most important source for this work. In the entire volume, there were only three entries that did not cite the Chronicle of Major Political Events of the Ming Dynasty. Several of the entries cited no historical sources other than the Chronicle of Major Political Events of the Ming Dynasty, and hence it could be the only source. Because the compiler did not consult the Ming Veritable Records, among the ninety-nine entries in the volume, there were as many as forty-seven errors in dates. And there were eighteen errors in names and titles of individuals. These are the weaknesses of this volume. However, the compiler was able to draw upon works by private historians to recount historical events omitted from the official records. This is the strength of this volume. The narrative completely matches the evaluation in &ldquo;Gu Yingtai&rsquo;s Assessment&rdquo; on the Hongzhi reign regarding the interactions between the Hongzhi emperor and his ministers, that the high officials made endless admonitions of the emperor and the emperor was fairly receptive to their opinions. As for the negative aspects of governance during this reign, the work does not avoid them. And hence, the &ldquo;Emperor Hongzhi and his Ministers&rdquo; chapter in the Major Events of Ming History can be regarded as a fine historical record.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 422-456
Author(s):  
Yuan Julian Chen

Abstract This article studies two sixteenth-century Asian texts: Khitay namah, a Persian travelogue about the Ming dynasty written by the Muslim merchant Ali Akbar and presented to the Ottoman sultan, and Xiyu, an illustrated Chinese geographical treatise with detailed travel itinerary from China to Istanbul by the Ming scholar-official Ma Li. In addition to demonstrating the breadth of Ottoman and Chinese knowledge about each other in the global Age of Exploration, these two books, written respectively for the monarchs of the self-proclaimed Islamic and Chinese universal empires, reflect the Ottoman and Chinese imperial ideologies in an era when major world powers aggressively vied for larger territories and broader international influence. Both the Ottoman and Chinese authors recast the foreign Other as the familiar Self – Ali Akbar constructed an Islamized China while Ma Li depicted a Sinicized Ottoman world – to justify their countries’ claims to universal sovereignty and plans for imperial expansion. Like many contemporary European colonial writers, Ali Akbar’s and Ma Li’s exploration of foreign societies, their literary glorification of their own culture’s supremacy, and their imposition of their own cultural thinking on foreign lands all served their countries’ colonial enterprise in the global Age of Exploration.


Author(s):  
I. A. Averianov ◽  

Сoming to power of the Safavids Sufi dynasty in Iran (in the person of Shah Ismail I) in 1501 caused noticeable transformations in the political, social, cultural and religious life of the Near and Middle East. This dynasty used the semi-nomadic tribes of the Oguz Turks (‘Kyzylbash’) as its main support, which it managed to unite under the auspices of military Sufi order of Safaviyya. However, the culture of the Safavid state was dominated by a high style associated with the classical era of the Persian cultural area (‘Greater Iran’) of the 10th–15th centuries. The Iranian-Turkic synthesis that emerged in previous centuries received a new form with the adoption by the Safavids of Twelver Shiism as an official religious worldview. This put the neighboring Ottoman state in a difficult position, as it had to borrow cultural codes from ‘heretics’. Nevertheless, the Ottomans could not refuse cultural interaction with the Safavids, since they did not have any other cultural landmark in that era. This phenomenon led to a number of collisions in the biographies of certain cultural figures who had to choose between commonwealth with an ‘ideological enemy’ or rivalry, for the sake of which they often had to hide their personal convictions and lead a ‘double life’. The fates of many people, from the crown princes to ordinary nomads, were broken or acquired a tragic turn during the Ottoman-Safavid conflict of ‘spiritual paths’. However, many other poets, painters, Sufis sometimes managed to transform this external opposition into the symbolism of religious and cultural synthesis. In scholarly literature, many works explore certain aspects of the culture of the Ottoman Empire and the Safavid state separately, but there are almost no works considering the synthesis of cultures of these two largest Muslim states. Meanwhile, the author argues, that understanding the interaction and synthesis of the Ottoman and Safavid cultures in the 16th century is a key moment for the cultural history of the Islamic world. The article aims to outline the main points of this cultural synthesis, to trace their dependence on the ideology of the two states and to identify the personality traits of a ‘cultured person’ that contributed to the harmonization of the culture of two ideologically irreconcilable, but culturally complementary empires. A comparative study of this kind is supported by Ottoman sources. In the future, the author will continue this research, including the sources reflecting the perception of the Ottoman cultural heritage by the Safavids.


Author(s):  
Bata Darzhagiin ◽  

In the oral traditions of Mongols there are a lot of legends and stories not only about Genghis Khan and the period of Mongolian Yuan dynasty, but also about the first emperor of the succeeding Ming dynasty Zhu Yuanzhang (1368–1398). These stories, first of all, tell that Zhu Yuanzhang was not of the noble origin, he was the son of a common man and became the king by good fortune. Secondly, they state that the Ming dynasty emperors were Mongols by their origin. Thirdly, all these stories and legends in their form and content are typical for Mongolian folklore. The goal of this article is to introduce the plot and themes of the Mongolian historic legends and stories about the Ming dynasty emperors. Most of the texts of legends and stories were recorded by the author from Agvanchoidor (they were included into the book “The Oral History of Mongolian-Tibetan Buddhism”) and also from other informants during expeditions.


1989 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 383
Author(s):  
Pierre-Etienne Will ◽  
Frederick W. Mote ◽  
Denis Twitchett

2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-101
Author(s):  
Ulrike Demske

Abstract Regarding verbal mood and complementation patterns of reporting verbs, the distinction between direct and indirect reported speech is well established in present-day German. This paper looks into the history of German: Common knowledge has it that both the use of verbal mood as well as the quality of clause linkage undergo considerable changes giving rise to the question how these changes affect the manifestations of indirect reported speech in earlier stages of German. The historical record of the 16th century (with an outlook on the 17th century) shows that the distinction between direct and indirect reported speech is not yet grammaticalized in historical sources at the time. In particular with respect to dependent (in)direct reported speech, both types prefer V2-complements with only verbal mood differentiating between the types. Although present and past subjunctive have a much wider distribution in earlier stages of German, the occurrence of free indirect speech likewise testifies to its increasing use as a marker of indirect reported speech. The growing conventionalization of patterns of indirect reported speech in the course of Early Modern German may be considered as an example for an increase of subjectification in its development.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-218
Author(s):  
Akram Khater ◽  
Jeffrey Culang

This issue opens with two articles that explore “Ottoman Belonging” during two significant moments bookending the Ottoman past. The first of these moments is the Ottoman Empire's incorporation of Arab lands after its defeat of the Mamluk Sultanate in 1515–17; the second is the emergence of Ottoman imperial citizenship in the period between the 1908 Constitutional Revolution and World War I, which precipitated the empire's collapse. Helen Pfeifer's article, “Encounter after the Conquest: Scholarly Gatherings in 16th-Century Ottoman Damascus,” traces the intellectual component of the Ottoman Empire's absorption of formerly Mamluk subjects after rapidly conquering an immense territory stretching from Damascus to Cairo to Mecca. As Western European states expanded to control new territories and peoples, the Turkish-speaking Ottomans from the central lands (Rumis) had new encounters of their own—with the Arabic-speaking inhabitants of Egypt, Greater Syria, and the Hijaz. The conquest transferred the seat of political power in the Islamicate world from Cairo to Istanbul. Yet, as Pfeifer discusses, the Ottomans understood that their newly acquired political power had no parallel in cultural and religious domains, where prestige belonged predominantly to Arab scholars. Focusing on majālis (sing. majlis), or scholarly gatherings, in Damascus, Pfeifer traces “one of the greatest instances of knowledge transmission and cultural encounter in the history of the Ottoman Empire,” through which this asymmetry was overcome. By facilitating the circulation of books and ideas, she argues, scholarly gatherings—two depictions of which are featured on the issue’s cover—gave rise to an “empire-wide learned culture as binding as any political or administrative ingredient of the Ottoman imperial glue.”


1991 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 366
Author(s):  
Romeyn Taylor ◽  
Frederick W. Mote ◽  
Denis Twitchett

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