楊起元的思想發展及其對師門之學的塑造

<p>活躍於十六世紀下半葉的楊起元是泰州大儒羅汝芳的弟子。他於師教篤信弗疑，承繼與推廣師學的努力亦廣為傳頌，李贄言楊氏之學「大抵皆本父師之言而推衍之」。不過，前輩學者已經注意到楊、羅之間的思想間距。本文關注楊起元的思想發展，特重其師學塑造，以測定楊氏與其師思想與學說的距離。楊起元於羅汝芳過世後參與兩次師學塑造運動。第一次發生在羅汝芳的喪禮之上，同門弟子咸集驗證所得，以「明德」私諡羅汝芳，也以此為師門宗旨理解羅汝芳之學。喪禮後數年，楊起元閱讀其師遺集而感悟於「孝」，因此開啟《孝經》編纂工程。楊氏藉此發揚羅汝芳的孝弟慈論，但是比起羅氏孝論的源頭《大學》，他更為推崇《孝經》，也認為該經更為契合羅氏之學。師門孝論的核心經典，在楊起元手上完成從《大學》到《孝經》的轉換，是為楊氏參與的第二度師學塑造。本文認為，楊起元的案例顯示陽明學發展至十六世紀末，愈發鼓勵思想學說落實成具物質性之文本，而楊氏所塑造的師門之學正是在落實的過程中，漸與羅汝芳之學分離開來。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>This paper examines the development of Yang Qiyuan&rsquo;s (1547-99) thought with a special focus on his efforts in reshaping the learning of his master, Luo Rufang (1515-88), in order to assess the distance between the teachings of the two. Yang participated twice in events to reshape the teachings of his master. The first time was at the funeral for Luo Rufang, when Yang and the other disciples assembled together to consolidate Luo&rsquo;s legacy. On their own they gave him the posthumous title of &ldquo;Bright Virtue,&rdquo; taken from the Great Learning, and regarded this as a representative element of Luo Rufang&rsquo;s teachings. Years after the funeral, while reading through the master&rsquo;s remaining works, Yang came to realize the significance of filial piety, and thereupon began a project to compile the Classic of Filial Piety, in which he emphasized the themes of filial piety, fraternity and kindness in Luo&rsquo;s teachings. While Luo&rsquo;s theories on filial piety were based upon the Great Learning, Yang instead pointed to the Classic of Filial Piety as more suited for Luo&rsquo;s teachings. Thus, changing the textual basis for Luo&rsquo;s theories on filial piety was Yang&rsquo;s second reshaping of his master&rsquo;s legacy. This essay argues that the case of Yang Qiyuan illustrates Wang Yangmingism (1472-1529) at the end of the sixteenth century developed to emphasize on rendering doctrine into textual form. Yang&rsquo;s reshaping of his master&rsquo;s legacy was part of this process, and led him to part ways with his master&rsquo;s original teachings.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

貢品與時尚：明代川扇考論

<p>摺扇的普及，是明代社會風尚異於前代的物質表徵之一。晚明最盛行的二種摺扇中，蘇州摺扇以書畫扇面與精製扇骨著稱，四川摺扇則以進貢聞名，明人常簡稱之為「川扇」、「蜀扇」等，川扇廣義上亦包括各地的仿製品。過往對中國摺扇的研究，多側重扇面書畫藝術與江南製扇工藝，對明代社會生活與物質文化的討論，則一般認為明代宮廷品味的時尚影響、文化底蘊相對不高，川扇不重書畫，又與明代宮廷關係密切，其興衰歷史、風格特點、文化內涵皆未得到充分探討。本文將考證川扇的興衰歷史，並梳理文獻、圖像中川扇的特徵，與明墓屢見出土的無書畫金面摺扇實物比對，指出後者應屬川式扇，並辨析川扇與日本、蘇州、杭州、榮昌等地摺扇的關係，思考不以書畫著稱的川扇在中國摺扇史中的地位，也探究川扇作為方物、貢品、賜物、禮物、商品等在明代的社會文化內涵。川扇大致發端於明初，此後進貢宮廷並成為時尚，作為明代高檔無書畫摺扇的代表，是蘇州書畫扇以外，明代摺扇發展的另一重要線索，體現了明代摺扇文化的豐富性，還對杭州摺扇影響深遠；川扇到晚明已與國計民生、世風人情有深密的交織，後隨明亡而衰落，是明代物質文化中極富時代特色的內容。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>The unprecedented prevalence of folding fans marked one of the significant developments in social customs in the Ming dynasty. Folding fans made in Suzhou and Sichuan were the most famous ones in the late Ming. Suzhou folding fans were renowned for fan leaves decorated with calligraphy and painting and for delicate fan frames, while Sichuan folding fans were famous as tribute to the imperial court. The latter were usually abbreviated as &ldquo;Chuan fans&rdquo; or &ldquo;Shu fans&rdquo; in Ming sources. In a broad sense, Chuan fans also included folding fans in the Sichuan style made in other places in the late Ming. The history, features and culture of Chuan fans have not been fully examined for two reasons. First, past research has mainly focused on literati fan calligraphy and painting and the fan-making craft in Jiangnan. And, second, Chuan fans had close association with the court, but the tastes of Ming court has been generally disregarded by scholars as lacking in cultural depth. Drawing on texts and images, this essay sorts out the history and characteristics of Chuan fans, and links them with the folding fans excavated from Ming tombs, which feature golden leaves without calligraphy and painting. This paper also explores the connections between Chuan fans and those produced in Japan, Suzhou, Hangzhou, and Rongchang, and considers the broader place of Chuan fans in the history of Chinese folding fans. Furthermore, this essay explores the social and cultural implications of Chuan fans in the Ming dynasty as local specialties, tributes, bestowals, gifts, commodities and so on. Chuan fans generally appeared in the early Ming, and then became tribute goods as well as trendy items. Representing luxury folding fans that did not have painting or calligraphy, Chuan fans were no less important than the art-adorned Suzhou folding fans. indicating the rich diversity of Ming folding fan culture. Chuan fans also had a deep influence on the subsequent development of Hangzhou folding fans. By the late Ming, Chuan fans had already been closely connected with many aspects of Ming society. As the Ming dynasty fell, Chuan fans also declined, thus remaining of the unique elements of Ming material culture.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

《明史紀事本末》卷之四十二〈弘治君臣〉校釋

<p>本文逐條校讀《明史紀事本末‧弘治君臣》的文本，註出其可能的史源，並以史源校正文本之訛誤。並以校注結果，兼談作者的編纂水平與史學。今尋其史源，以《皇明大政紀》為最主要史源，全書只有三條文本沒有參考引用《皇明大政紀》。不少條文本，其他史書皆不載，獨《皇明大政紀》載之；是獨家史源。由於編者未參考《明實錄》，全篇99條，時間錯置多達47處。而人名、官名和文字缺漏亦有18處，是本篇缺點。但作者能根據私家史書撰寫一些官方史書忌諱的史事，是本篇優點。其敘事完全配合「谷應泰論贊」對弘治朝政治的評價，論述其君臣之互動，大臣不斷進諫，弘治帝也能採納。對於朝政的負面現象，也不迴避。就此而論，《明史紀事本末‧弘治君臣》仍不失為一篇良史之作。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>This is an annotated version of the chapter on &ldquo; Emperor Hongzhi and his Ministers&rdquo; in the Major Events of Ming History, tracing the likely sources upon which the account was based, and using the sources to correct errors in the text. And the essay will further discuss the editorial and historiographical abilities of the compiler. The Chronicle of Major Political Events of the Ming Dynasty was the most important source for this work. In the entire volume, there were only three entries that did not cite the Chronicle of Major Political Events of the Ming Dynasty. Several of the entries cited no historical sources other than the Chronicle of Major Political Events of the Ming Dynasty, and hence it could be the only source. Because the compiler did not consult the Ming Veritable Records, among the ninety-nine entries in the volume, there were as many as forty-seven errors in dates. And there were eighteen errors in names and titles of individuals. These are the weaknesses of this volume. However, the compiler was able to draw upon works by private historians to recount historical events omitted from the official records. This is the strength of this volume. The narrative completely matches the evaluation in &ldquo;Gu Yingtai&rsquo;s Assessment&rdquo; on the Hongzhi reign regarding the interactions between the Hongzhi emperor and his ministers, that the high officials made endless admonitions of the emperor and the emperor was fairly receptive to their opinions. As for the negative aspects of governance during this reign, the work does not avoid them. And hence, the &ldquo;Emperor Hongzhi and his Ministers&rdquo; chapter in the Major Events of Ming History can be regarded as a fine historical record.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

晚明軍士收入考——兼論明代國家財政之基本精神

<p>以往的明代財政史研究，大都選擇以財政收入一側的嬗遞為考察對象而不離乎制度研究的範式與國家本位的視角。本文以財政支出為切入點討論晚明軍士收入的構成與水準，進而以自下而上的進路，探討明代國家財政之基本精神。本文將晚明軍士收入劃分為常規性收入與臨時性收入，前者包括月糧、布花、馬料，後者則涉及行糧、安家銀。對於衛所軍士而言，晚明財政體制的白銀化未對其生計產生實質影響，其收入仍不過與洪武時期的標準大體相持，僅能勉強維生。相形之下，並不歸屬於衛所軍戶制之中的募兵所得餉銀明顯更高。兩者的分野與明代財政奉行的「原額主義」密切相關：國家以戶籍制束縛軍戶，設計微薄的糧餉標準，以此適應同樣偏低的財政收入。此一機制雖因晚明戰爭不斷而崩解，卻為清朝繼承乃至進一步鞏固。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>Earlier studies on Ming dynasty finance have mainly focused on changes in revenue, following an institutional and state-oriented paradigm. This essay instead examines military pay, the largest expenditure of the late Ming central government, thus offering a perspective from the bottom up. This essay distinguishes late Ming military pay into regular and temporary categories. The former included monthly grain allowances, clothing, and horse fodder, while the latter included travel rations and relocation funds. For the military households, the commutation of the financial system into silver did not have a substantial impact on their livelihood. Their income had remained largely the same since the founding of the dynasty, and they could barely make ends meet. By contrast, the recruits, who were not registered with military households, received payment and rations that were significantly higher. The discrepancy between the two was closely linked to the &ldquo;quota system&rdquo; practiced in Ming financial administration. When the government established households fixed in the military category, meager rations were standardized, commensurate with the low revenue of the financial administration. Although this mechanism collapsed amidst the continuous wars of the late Ming, it was adopted and further consolidated in the Qing dynasty.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>