Self-Initiative or Diverse Knowledge? Linking Foreign Work Experience to Intrapreneurial Outcomes

2017 ◽  
Vol 2017 (1) ◽  
pp. 12227
Author(s):  
Dan Jun Wang
Keyword(s):  
2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Jones ◽  
Leonardo De la Torre

The increasing difficulty of return migration and the demands for assimilation into host societies suggest a long-term cutting of ties to origin areas—likely accentuated in the Bolivian case by the recent shift in destinations from Argentina to the US and Spain. Making use of a stratified random sample of 417 families as well as ethnographic interviews in the provinces of Punata, Esteban Arze, and Jordán in the Valle Alto region the authors investigate these issues. Results suggest that for families with greater than ten years cumulated foreign work experience, there are significantly more absentees and lower levels of remittances as a percentage of household income. Although cultural ties remain strong after ten years, intentions to return to Bolivia decline markedly. The question of whether the dimunition of economic ties results in long-term village decline in the Valle Alto remains an unanswered.   


2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Majocchi ◽  
Alfredo D’Angelo ◽  
Emanuele Forlani ◽  
Trevor Buck

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (5) ◽  
pp. 739-758 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Damelang ◽  
Martin Abraham ◽  
Sabine Ebensperger ◽  
Felix Stumpf

This article analyses the conditions under which employers grant immigrants access to jobs corresponding to their foreign education. It is often observed that employers prefer native-educated employees and devalue foreign education. We argue that part of this devaluation is due to institutional differences in education systems. Nevertheless, hiring foreign-educated immigrants is becoming a viable strategy for employers given the substantial shortage of skilled labour and the significant influx of skilled immigrants. Using a factorial survey, we simulate a hiring process and present a series of hypothetical foreign applicants to employers in Germany. Our findings show that the transferability of foreign qualifications strongly depends on the institutional characteristics of foreign education systems. However, employers are willing to accept differences in education because they consider institutional differences a trade-off against other dimensions, such as relevant foreign work experience.


2003 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 630-659 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Swidinsky ◽  
Michael Swidinsky

Summary This article presents new evidence on the relative earnings of visible minority immigrant and native-born paid workers in Canada using data from the 1996 Census. Our findings show that labour market disadvantages associated with visible minority status are largely confined to immigrant men. The earnings deficits imputed to minority native-born men and immigrant women are fairly modest, and it appears that native-born women are paid a premium. Among immigrant men, labour market disadvantages are apparent primarily among those who were older when they arrived in Canada. There is some evidence that foreign work experience is relatively undervalued, but there is little evidence that immigrants receive lower compensation for foreign-based schooling. Finally, our analysis of individual ethnic minority groups reveals that Black men are most profoundly affected by labour market discrimination: The earnings deficit they must contend with is both significant and inter-generationally persistent.


Author(s):  
Harald Bauder

“Tell me under which paragraph you arrive, and I’ll tell you who you are!” These words explain how a community worker who helps immigrants settle in one of Berlin’s eastern suburbs assesses the issues confronting her newly arriving clients. Legal status categories are a defining factor in the eligibility for services and access to employment. This interviewee’s clients, all Spätaussiedler, are admitted to Germany under different paragraphs of German law. Paragraph 4 (of the Bundesvertriebenengesetz) indicates to the community worker that immigrants are eligible for the formal recognition of their foreign work experience; paragraph 7 (of the Staatangehörigkeitsgesetz) signifies that the immigrant is an immediate relative of a paragraph 4 Spätaussiedler and is entitled to government- sponsored language training but ineligible for recognition of work experience; and paragraph 8 (of the Bundesvertriebenengesetz) defines other family members who are not eligible for either the recognition of their work experience nor language training and are essentially treated as foreigners. This example illustrates how immigrants are being legally classified, permitting their differential treatment. Legal criteria slot immigrants into a hierarchy of status categories that not only provide different levels of access to services but also determine the level of access to the labor market. Although one could debate the underlying philosophical legitimacy of classifying immigrants in this manner, a political economy perspective sheds a revealing light on the function of this particular immigration scheme. Workers in each status category fulfill distinct roles in the German labor market. The web of legal definitions and policies for immigrants is thus an important component in the regulation of the German labor market. Germany has long maintained stringent regulations that limit labor market access to immigrants. Citizenship has been a particularly useful mechanism for dividing the immigrant population, generating a hierarchy of administrative categories and creating different labor market circumstances for each category. Germany not only distinguishes between Germans and non-Germans, but it also differentiates between Aussiedler and Spätaussiedler, European Union nationals, and immigrants of other nationalities. It imposes different sets of regulations on each of these groups.


Author(s):  
Harald Bauder

At the 2004 Law and Diversity Conference in Toronto on the accreditation of foreign-trained immigrants in Canada, speaker Naomi Alboim called Canadian immigration policy “one of seduction and abandonment.” Seduction because skilled workers are selected as immigrants based on their high levels of education and experience, which leads them to expect that they will be able to apply these skills and experience in the Canadian labor market. Abandonment because, once in Canada, the immigrant workers receive little help with the accreditation of their education and professional certification, preventing them from applying their skills. Immigrants in regulated trades and professions such as the electrical trade, engineering, law, medicine, nursing, and teaching often lose access to the occupations they previously held—an effect commonly known as “deskilling.” The abandonment of immigrants is not simply the result of inadvertent neglect and the failure of policy. It can also be interpreted as a systematic process of distinction and subordination. By excluding many skilled, foreign-trained immigrants from high-status occupations in Canada, the regulation of educational and professional credentials enables domestic-educated workers to dominate these occupations. The level of education among Canadian immigrants has steadily increased since the 1950s (Akabari 1999). Nevertheless, immigrants have failed to benefit from their educational attainments and have lower returns on their education than Canadian-born workers (Reitz 2001a, 2001b). Level of education, in fact, fails as an accurate predictor of labor market performance among immigrants (E. N. Thompson 2000). Similarly, the benefits immigrants receive for foreign work experience have deteriorated. In the 1960s, one year of foreign work experience was rewarded with an average 1.5 percent increase in earnings for immigrants. By the late 1990s, this wage increase dropped to only 0.3 percent (Statistics Canada 2004: 5). Furthermore, skilled immigrants require an increasing amount of time to catch up with the wages of Canadian workers with similar skills and education, if they catch up at all (Ley 1999). These national trends also apply to immigrants in Vancouver. Three-fourths of all immigrant professionals from India who settled in Vancouver experienced occupational downward mobility after their arrival in Canada.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-92
Author(s):  
Lucia Mýtna Kureková ◽  
Zuzana Žilinčíková

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to understand the value of foreign work experience for young migrants after their return to the home country labour market and their labour market preferences relative to stayers. Design/methodology/approach The authors analyse the labour market integration patterns of young return migrants in Slovakia. After reconstructing the life histories of young people from online CVs, a set of regression models investigates the attractiveness, salary expectations and positions of interest to returnees in comparison to stayers. Findings Post-accession foreign work experience increases the attractiveness of job candidates. Foreign work experience changes the expectations of returnees with respect to wages and widens their perspective on the location of future work. In the underperforming labour market, migration experience signals to employers a set of skills that differentiate young returnees from young stayers in a positive way. Research limitations/implications While the web data are not representative, it allows the authors to study return migration from a perspective that large representative data sets do not allow. Social implications Foreign work experience is, in general, an asset for (re)integration into the home labour market, but the higher salary demands of returnees might hinder the process in a less-skilled segment of the labour market. Originality/value Return migration is a relatively underresearched area, and knowledge about the perception of returnees among employers and the labour market preferences of returnees is relatively limited. Another contribution lies in the use of online data to analyse return migration from the perspective of both labour demand and supply.


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