Cultural Deference, Community Survival

After the military defeat of the Tamil insurgency in Sri Lanka, nationalist sectors backed by Sinhala Buddhist ideology turned to religious minorities in search of new enemies of the State. These have included Muslims and Evangelical Christians who are described as foreign intruders that contaminate the traditions of the nation. Catholics have been spared of accusations of proselytism and the introduction of foreign cultures partly due to the Church leadership’s explicit stance against Evangelical missionary activities and its support of Sinhala nationalist discourse. Catholic communities of Sri Lanka thus find themselves in an ambiguous position: incorporated into the national citizenry, yet a visible minority anxious not to become marginalized like other religious minorities.

Difficulties accessing health care services during the COVID-19 pandemic in Canada: examining the intersectionality between immigrant status and visible minority status

Background Difficulties accessing health care services can result in delaying in seeking and obtaining treatment. Although these difficulties are disproportionately experienced among vulnerable groups, we know very little about how the intersectionality of realities experienced by immigrants and visible minorities can impact their access to health care services since the pandemic. Methods Using Statistics Canada’s Crowdsourcing Data: Impacts of COVID-19 on Canadians—Experiences of Discrimination, we combine two variables (i.e., immigrant status and visible minority status) to create a new variable called visible minority immigrant status. This multiplicative approach is commonly used in intersectionality research, which allows us to explore disadvantages experienced by minorities with multiplicative identities. Results Main results show that, compared to white native-born, visible minority immigrants are less likely to report difficulties accessing non-emergency surgical care (OR = 0.55, p < 0.001), non-emergency diagnostic test (OR = 0.74, p < 0.01), dental care (OR = 0.71, p < 0.001), mental health care (OR = 0.77, p < 0.05), and making an appointment for rehabilitative care (OR = 0.56, p < 0.001) but more likely to report difficulties accessing emergency services/urgent care (OR = 1.46, p < 0.05). Conclusion We conclude that there is a dynamic interplay of factors operating at multiple levels to shape the impact of COVID-19 related needs to be addressed through changes in social policies, which can tackle unique struggles faced by visible minority immigrants.

The Impact of Racial and Non-racial Discrimination on Health Behavior Change Among Visible Minority Adults During the COVID-19 Pandemic

Introduction Pre-pandemic health behavior has been put forward as a reason for excess COVID-19 infection and death in some racialized groups. At the same time, scholars have labeled racism the other pandemic and argued for its role in the adverse COVID-19 outcomes observed. The purpose of this study was to examine the impact of discrimination on health behavior change among racialized adults in the early stages of the pandemic. Methods Data were collected from 210 adults who identified as a visible minority in Alberta, Canada, in June 2020. The Everyday Discrimination Scale (Short Version) was adapted to examine past-month experiences. Four questions asked if alcohol/cannabis use and stress eating had significantly increased, and if sleep and exercise had significantly decreased in the past month. Logistic regression models examined associations between discrimination attributed to racial and non-racial causes and health behavior change adjusted for covariates. Results The majority of adults (56.2%) reported past-month discrimination including 26.7% who attributed it to their race. Asian adults reported more racial discrimination and discrimination due to people believing they had COVID-19 than other visible minorities. Racial discrimination during the pandemic was strongly associated with increased substance use (OR: 4.0, 95% CI 1.2, 13.4) and decreased sleep (OR: 7.0, 95% CI 2.7, 18.4), and weakly associated with decreased exercise (OR: 2.2, 95% CI 1.1, 4.5). Non-racial discrimination was strongly associated with decreased sleep (OR: 4.8, 95% CI 1.8, 12.5). Conclusion Racial discrimination may have a particularly important effect on intensifying adverse health behavior changes among racialized adults during a time of global crisis.

Null effects of neighbourhood increases in visible minorities on radical right wing party mobilisation

In many European countries, a growing share of population with immigrant background coincides with the surge in support for radical right parties. In this paper we show how such increases affect radical right candidacy. We use Swedish register data which identifies political candidates. With geocoded data, we match individuals running for the Sweden Democrats to their local neighbourhood contexts, and measure changes in the share of visible minority residents at scales ranging from 100 meters to 2 kilometres. For those who stayed in the same neighbourhood between 2006 and 2010, the change in the share of visible minorities generally does not affect the decision to join the pool of party candidates. This result is robust when we introduce additional tests and select on the scale of the neighbourhood, unemployment terciles, change in share of visible minority groups terciles, and entry threshold into the pool of candidates. For those who stayed in the same neighbourhood, the only significant finding is a small mobilisation effect for a subsample of individuals who live in densely populated metropolitan neighbourhoods – here we also observe a halo effect, with negative association for small-scale changes and positive association for changes in the larger halo zone.

Ethno-racial Disparities In Canada’s Labour Market: The Case Of Recent Graduates

This study explores the labour market outcomes of recent-graduate visible-minorities who did not obtain any non-Canadian educational credentials, of any level, prior to their graduation (e.g. “generation 1.5+”). Using the 2013 National Graduates Survey, which surveyed those who graduated from Canadian public-postsecondary institutions in the 2009-2010 academic year, this study assesses the incomes and (un)employment statuses of Canada’s four largest ethno-racial groups—Whites, South Asians, Chinese, and Blacks. Approximately 93% of the subsample under analysis is Canadian-born. The results show that, amongst those who held a full-time job at the time of the survey, the visible-minority subgroups do not experience any earnings penalties versus their White counterparts (by gender)—but rather some subgroups show earnings premiums. However, some visible-minority subgroups, such as the South Asian males, show substantially higher odds of being unemployed versus their White counterparts (by gender). Limitations and implications are discussed.

Ethno-racial Disparities In Canada’s Labour Market: The Case Of Recent Graduates

This study explores the labour market outcomes of recent-graduate visible-minorities who did not obtain any non-Canadian educational credentials, of any level, prior to their graduation (e.g. “generation 1.5+”). Using the 2013 National Graduates Survey, which surveyed those who graduated from Canadian public-postsecondary institutions in the 2009-2010 academic year, this study assesses the incomes and (un)employment statuses of Canada’s four largest ethno-racial groups—Whites, South Asians, Chinese, and Blacks. Approximately 93% of the subsample under analysis is Canadian-born. The results show that, amongst those who held a full-time job at the time of the survey, the visible-minority subgroups do not experience any earnings penalties versus their White counterparts (by gender)—but rather some subgroups show earnings premiums. However, some visible-minority subgroups, such as the South Asian males, show substantially higher odds of being unemployed versus their White counterparts (by gender). Limitations and implications are discussed.

Exploring diversity of representation in Toronto and Vancouver : political voices.

Previous research has shown that Canadian municipalities have lower visible minority proportionality rates among elected officials than other levels of government. To understand why, six visible minority city councillors and candidates from Toronto and Vancouver were interviewed. Respondents contributed their personal experiences and perspectives on issues of mirror, symbolic, and substantive representation of visible minorities. They discussed their initial involvement or interest in elite politics, their role models, and their understanding of the term “visible minority.” A broad narrative describes the complexities of political representation in practice and revealed that there were fewer entry points into elite municipal politics for individuals from marginalized groups. These entry points are further obscured by systemic barriers. Barriers were common for both cities despite differences in electoral systems and council structure. This paper recommends reimagining the “visible minority” categorization, and a policy framework that promotes the democratic ideal through institutional evaluations and acclaim for advancements.

Exploring diversity of representation in Toronto and Vancouver : political voices.

Previous research has shown that Canadian municipalities have lower visible minority proportionality rates among elected officials than other levels of government. To understand why, six visible minority city councillors and candidates from Toronto and Vancouver were interviewed. Respondents contributed their personal experiences and perspectives on issues of mirror, symbolic, and substantive representation of visible minorities. They discussed their initial involvement or interest in elite politics, their role models, and their understanding of the term “visible minority.” A broad narrative describes the complexities of political representation in practice and revealed that there were fewer entry points into elite municipal politics for individuals from marginalized groups. These entry points are further obscured by systemic barriers. Barriers were common for both cities despite differences in electoral systems and council structure. This paper recommends reimagining the “visible minority” categorization, and a policy framework that promotes the democratic ideal through institutional evaluations and acclaim for advancements.

'Natural Conservatives?': Examining the Voting Associations Of Ethnic And Visible Minorty Communities In The Toronto CMA, 2007 to 2011

The Conservative Party of Canada attributed its successful breakthrough in the Toronto area during the 2011 Canadian federal election to their engagement of ethnic and visible minority voters, whereas in the past, these voters were associated with the Liberal party. This research study uses spatial and statistical analyses to test patterns of association between the electoral support for the three major parties and presence of ethnic and visible minority communities. The research uses data from the 2006 Census of Canada, as well as the voting results of the 2011 and 2008 federal elections, the 2011 and 2007 Ontario provincial elections and the 2010 Toronto mayoral election. The findings suggest that non-European origin ethnic and visible minority communities are associated with the Liberal party at the federal and provincial levels, but the opposite is true at the municipal level, and the federal Liberals are haemorrhaging support from ethnic and visible minority communities to the Conservatives and NDP. The victories of the federal Conservatives may instead be associated with other factors like vote splitting, low voter turnout, and divisions between urban and suburban areas.

Welcome To Canada: A Critical Examination of the Neoliberal Restructuring of Canada's Model of Settlement Service Delivery

The settlement and integration of immigrants and refugees into Canadian society has become one of the most important areas of public policy in Canada. There exists a notion of a mutual responsibility between newcomers and Canadian society/state to both make the necessary adjustments to facilitate settlement and integration. Canada’s main tool to fulfill its responsibility in facilitating newcomer integration is composed of the policies, programs and services that shape Canada’s model of settlement service delivery. Although the Canadian model of settlement service provision is often looked to in admiration, many academics, policy makers and nongovernment workers are pointing to sings of a crisis of the settlement sector. Due to the neoliberal restructuring of the settlement sector, numerous challenges and issues have arisen for immigrant settlement agencies (ISAs) in assisting their newcomer clients. The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the crisis of the settlement sector. It is argued that the issues plaguing the settlement sector disproportionately impact smaller, ethnocentric agencies and the visible minority and racialized clients they serve.