Becker’s theory on crime and punishment, a useful guide for law enforcement policy in The Netherlands?

2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben van Velthoven ◽  
Peter van Wijck
2005 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 161-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R. Smit

Author(s):  
Sujitha S. ◽  
Parkavi R.

This book chapter will be an introduction to hacking, DDOS attacks and Malware Analysis. This chapter will also describe about the cyber-crime against properties and Persons and will give a detailed description about the cyber security and privacy. This chapter will deal with the cyber-crime investigations, law enforcement policy and procedures. This chapter will also describe about the peer supporting programs for the law enforcement authorities and a detailed description about the control devices and techniques that are used by an officer. This chapter will give an opportunity to know about the evidence collecting procedures in cyber-crime and also the barriers to cybercrime investigations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel LaChance ◽  
Paul Kaplan

Popular documentary representations of crime and punishment have traditionally tended to fall into two camps: programs that are critical of law enforcement agencies and those that are sympathetic to them. In this article, we show how programs that present themselves as critical of legal authorities can nonetheless reinforce the “law and order punitivism” that underlay the ratcheting up of harsh punishment in the late 20th century. In a case study of the popular documentary miniseries Making a Murderer, we show how this can happen when texts fetishize the question of a criminal defendant’s innocence, adopt a “good versus evil” approach to players in the criminal justice system, and perpetuate a procedural rather than substantive vision of justice. Arguments are supported by a close reading of Making a Murderer and illustrated by a line of discussion it inspired in an internet forum.


Author(s):  
Mark Lentz

Spanish and Portuguese claims to American territories led to the passage of many early laws and the establishment of courts overseas. For the first decade after contact, few regulations restricted the behavior of the earliest Europeans abroad, and no laws governed their treatment of the indigenous inhabitants or, later, enslaved Africans. Questions over the reach and application of laws passed in Spain, specifically Castile, led to thousands of royal laws and decrees guiding jurists in the application of laws in the Americas. This body of law is known as derecho indiano. To bring order to the unruly conquistadors and resistant indigenous inhabitants of the Americas, Spain imposed laws governing relations between Spaniards and indigenous Americans. Abundant documentation on indigenous-Spanish interactions in courts has led to an outpouring of research on the intersection between crime and punishment and indigenous society in colonial Latin America. Compared to France and its territories’ Code Noir, however, no overarching legal code addressed Spanish and Portuguese colonists’ dealings with slaves. Determinations regarding slaves drew from medieval and early modern precedents, such as the Siete partidas. The three American tribunals of the Inquisition intervened into the lives of enslaved people as well. Except for a few studies on enslaved people’s interactions—usually unwilling—with the Inquisition, there are fewer studies of slavery and crime than those covering indigenous, European, and mixed-descent subjects. One key characteristic of the legal regime in Latin America is the tenuous division between ecclesiastical jurisdictions and secular law enforcement. The Inquisition, with seats established in Mexico City, Lima, and Cartagena de Indias, combined elements of both secular and ecclesiastical courts. Its jurisdiction over “sin crimes” has received more coverage than other judicial institutions in the colonial Americas. Studies of civil and ecclesiastical law enforcement skew toward the 18th century, due in part to the abundance of documentation for the later colonial period. In the early 21st century, however, scholars have turned their attention to the second half of the 17th century, beginning to fill a historiographical void. Mid- and late-20th-century scholars worked to reconstruct a comprehensive institutional and philosophical framework of the Iberian law in the Americas, which included both regional studies and empire-wide surveys. Overall, research on crime and punishment in Latin America has shifted away from institutional histories toward social histories of crime that delve more deeply into topics of race and gender, typically more narrow in geographic scope.


2012 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 353-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Metin M. Coşgel ◽  
Boǧaç Ergene ◽  
Haggay Etkes ◽  
Thomas J. Miceli

Ruling for more than six centuries over lands that spanned three continents, the Ottomans developed a system of law enforcement that initially relied on fines collected by local agents. In the sixteenth century, much of the revenue from these fines went to the local officials in charge of identifying suspects and punishing criminals. To prevent corruption, the personnel responsible for adjudicating criminals were not also responsible for punishing them; public officials were periodically rotated between regions; and law-enforcement agents' compensation derived from criminal fines as well as local taxes. After the seventeenth century, high levels of inflation, imperial decentralization in the provinces, and the institution of long-term tax farming altered the government's relationship with local law-enforcement agents, thereby reducing the effectiveness of mechanisms that previously helped to control corruption. These developments impelled the Ottomans to decrease their reliance on fines for punishment in later periods.


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