The European Union and Israel since Oslo

Author(s):  
Harry van Bommel

This chapter discusses the strengthening of ties between the EU and Israel during the breakdown of Oslo as well as during other fruitless peace initiatives. Shortly after the Oslo process began, the EU and Israel initiated negotiations on broadening their cooperation. This led to the signing of the EU–Israel Association Agreement in 1995. As well as economic cooperation, which was established as early as 1975 in a cooperation agreement, this new treaty included other areas, such as scientific and technical research. In more recent years the relationship between the EU and Israel has been deepened further. In 2014 the EU and Israel signed the Horizon 2020 scientific cooperation agreement, which gives Israel equal access with EU member states to the largest-ever EU research and innovation program. In itself, there is nothing wrong with the deepening of economic, scientific, cultural, and political relations between countries. However, the deepening of relations between the EU and Israel means indirect support for the Israeli occupation and the policy of expanding the settlements.

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-149
Author(s):  
Tatyana Muravska ◽  
Alexandre Berlin

Abstract The European Union (EU) signed Association Agreements on 27 June 2014 with Georgia, the Republic of Moldova, and Ukraine. The Association Agreement (AA) is the EU’s main instrument to bring the countries in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) closer to EU standards and norms. For the citizens of the EaP countries to benefit from these agreements, a more in-depth knowledge of the EU and the EU Member States is required to be reflected in a comparative approach to European Union studies. We examine these implications on the need to expand and adapt, the content and approach to research and teaching European Union studies, with the transdisciplinary approach becoming increasingly dominant, becoming a modern tool for research in social sciences. This contribution aims to offer insight into the implementation of transdisciplinarity in the methodology of education and research as it is determined by current increasing global challenges. This approach should serve as a means of integrating a number of main goals as part of learning, teaching and research processes: strengthening employability of young people and preparing them for citizenship. We discuss the need for modernizing European studies in the EU Member States that could serve as an example for the EU Eastern Partnership countries. We conclude that the theoretical approach to European and related studies of other disciplines and their practical implications should always be transdisciplinary in nature and benefit from direct in-situ exposure and should be fully integrated in university curricula


Author(s):  
Iryna Tykhonenko

The article focuses on one of the current areas of European Union cooperation within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, namely with the Kingdom of Morocco. The official Rabat has both a historical basis for cooperation with the EU (colonial past) and an established dialogue with the European Union from associate membership to the acquisition of a special partnership status in 2008. The purpose of Morocco’s special status in the EU is to: strengthen dialogue and cooperation in the field of politics and security; gradual integration of Morocco into the EU internal market through approximation of legislation and regulations. The main directions and areas of multilateral cooperation between Morocco and the EU are highlighted especially Rabat ties with leading European powers (notably France and Spain) as implementation of bilateral level and at the level of integration with EU as political body. It is revealed that the acquisition of a special status in cooperation with the EU aims to deepen cooperation not only in the economic, security and energy spheres, but also the human dimension of bilateral relations, which affects human rights and cultural and humanitarian level of relations. In particular, the topical agenda for bilateral Moroccan-European relations is migration issues, the problem of Western Sahara, which complicate dialogue somewhat. The leading role in Morocco’s relations with EU Member States is played by dialogue within the Francophonie, as well as interpersonal contacts in the fields of culture, education and science. These contacts are closely maintained between Morocco, France and Spain, and implemented the EU’s values policy mentioned in the Association Agreement. It is revealed that cultural cooperation plays a positive role in the fight against religious extremism and civil society building.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2.28) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Dina Bērziņa

Sustainable growth is the key driver of development and it depends on research and innovation which creates investment opportunities for new and better products and services and thereby increases the competitiveness and employment. Research has a long history on our old continent: the European Union is a research think-tank, still the world’s leading producer of scientific knowledge but is lagging in implementation of the results. Therefore, constitution of the Framework Programmes enabled better coordination of research among all the participating countries. The EU Framework Programmes celebrated 30 years of operation recently – they have become a key element of the research policy in Europe today. Since the First Framework Programme launched in 1984, the current Horizon 2020 has expanded in scope and scale by attracting more resources and participating countries performing research on diverse topics. This paper provides an overview of the EU Member States’ engagement with emphasis on the two last Framework Programmes. It outlines the current disproportion with respect to different country group performance and provides links to various data sources for further studies.  


Author(s):  
Jacopo Tavassi

This paper aims at analyzing the Association Agreement concluded between the European Community, today European Union, and Chile, as it is believed that it can be, given its articulated regulatory and institutional framework, a good example of how similar treaties, in the field of international investments, can combine the protection of the foreign company’s rights with the promotion and respect of the host-State’s public interests. Besides, in the light of the amendments to the content and scope of the EU Common Commercial Policy made by Treaty of Lisbon, through which the European Union acquires an exclusive competence in the field of FDI, it seems likely that in the future the issue of FDI may fully fall within the scope of the said Association Agreement, excluding, in the relations between Chile and the single EU Member States, the application of the BIT in force. This might encourage the parties to introduce a chapter on the setting up of a dispute settlement mechanism also operating in the relationships between investors and host-States. Such progress, in fact, would be fully in line with the recent practice of Free Trade Agreements concluded by Chile with third countries, which entrust the resolution of conflicts between the foreign company and the host-State to international arbitration bodies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-169
Author(s):  
Guranda Chelidze ◽  
◽  
Elisabed Machitidze ◽  

This paper depicts the dynamics of the EU-Turkey relations beginning from the signing of the association agreement, i.e. the Ankara contract, to date. In addition, it aims to specify the factors preventing the bilateral collaboration and achievement of EU membership as aspired to by Ankara. The paper focuses on both the internal and international problems arising on Turkey’s path to EU membership, namely, the westernisation trend originating from Kemal Ataturk times, recent developments in Turkey, the democratisation of political institutions, the rule of law and protection of human rights, regional security, Turkey’s part in the refugee crisis, visafree travel, Greek-Turkey relationships, Ankara’s stance towards Cyprus, the Kurdish problem, and the Turkey-US and Turkey-Russia relationships. The authors discuss the EU Member States’ attitude towards the political and socio-economic developments in Turkey and the way Ankara looks at the requirements put forward by those Member States. We suggest several methods of rapprochement and brighter bilateral prospects.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (8) ◽  
pp. 203-208
Author(s):  
N. A. Pozhilova

Today, despite the known scale of European Union grant funding in support of research and innovation, the EU Commission seeks to ensure the use of alternative sources of funding, for example, venture capital financing by collective investment enterprises, including through the creation of a pan-European fund of funds, as well as using such mechanisms like crowdfunding. The paper provides an analysis of three possible promising areas of alternative financing using the current mechanisms of the financial market, which are used on an equal basis both in the EU and in other countries, including an analysis of obtaining funding for projects that received grants under the EU Horizon 2020 Framework Program. The first way is to finance scientific projects thanks to new venture funding mechanisms of the European fund VentureEU, the second is to ensure the attraction of funds through crowdfunding (collective financing), the third way is provided by enterprises entering an IPO. The use of alternative methods of financing makes it possible, on the one hand, to ensure the commercialization of research projects that allow research teams to receive additional remuneration and direct it to further work in the field of research, and on the other hand, to draw public attention to pressing problems of science and technology.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuliya Kaspiarovich

In 1972 the UK signed an accession treaty with the EU while Switzerland and the EU concluded a free trade agreement. Nowadays, both countries have a very close relationship with the EU and are not (or not anymore) EU Member States. This article aims to analyse two complex legal paths taken by countries able but not willing (or no longer willing) to be part of the EU through institutional arrangements they have already negotiated or are currently negotiating with the EU. On the one hand, the UK was part of the EU legal order and is now extracting itself from the realm of EU law while switching to relations with the EU based on international law. On the other hand, Switzerland has built its relations with the EU on numerous bilateral agreements based on EU law without establishing a homogeneous institutional mechanism, which the EU has been insistently demanding since 2013. These two situations are paradoxically similar as for both of them the design of institutional arrangements depends on the degree of integration with/extraction from EU law. A comparison between the EU–UK withdrawal agreement, the EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) and the EU–Switzerland draft institutional agreement, as proposed in this article, confirms that the degree of institutional flexibility that the EU is able to offer to a third country with which it concludes an agreement is dependent on whether that agreement is based on EU law, and in particular, EU internal market law. This article argues that depending on the nature of law the agreement is based on, from an EU perspective variations in the role of Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and/or of an arbitral tribunal may make sense, but this is not the case when one takes an outside perspective.


1998 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 369-432 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractThe main purpose of this article is to provide a framework of international legal conventions which may amount to an 'umbrella regime' for EU member states as regards their treatment of Turkish migrants, thus supplementing the protection already available in domestic law. To this end, the study pulls together analyses of relevant parts of international and supra-national law within the context of Turkish migrants in Europe which are applicable in protecting the rights of immigrants. In particular, the Ankara Association Agreement of 1963 and its components have put Turkish migrants in a more favourable position than most of the other non-EU migrants, hence creating a sort of 'intermediate' regime for them. The study has confirmed that the developments under the EU law have remained and will remain the main source of progress as far as the rights of Turkish migrants are concerned. Nevertheless, it also draws attention to a significant counter effect of such positive developments; that is, the danger of unwillingness on the part of the EU member states to enlarge the scope of the rights granted to Turkish immigrants under the above-mentioned legal frameworks.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-150
Author(s):  
P. A. Kalinichenko

Political relations between Russia and the European Union have changed significantly since 2014. On the one hand, the new political realities are making the current situation in relations, even legally, not as cloudless and full of hope as it was 25 years ago when the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement between Russia and the EU was signed. On the other hand, bilateral agreements between Russia and the EU continue to operate and be applied by the parties in the new conditions of selective interaction between Russia and the EU.The paper is devoted to the transformation of the fundamentals of legal regulation of relations between Russia and the EU in the context of new political relations, characterized by the formula of "selective interaction" as well as the ongoing Europeanization of Russian judicial practice. The paper discusses the existing bilateral agreements between Russia and the EU, analyzes Russian jurisprudence related to the application of EU law and the use of the precedents of the EU Court. The article also focuses on the Europeanization of the practice of the EAEU Court.


Author(s):  
Matteo Bonomi ◽  
Milica Uvalic

Serbia is negotiating European Union (EU) membership, a process that started in 2014 after the Brussels-mediated agreement between Kosovo and Serbia was signed in April 2013. Although the Federal Republic (FR) of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) was officially included into the EU’s Stabilization and Association Process soon after the fall of the Milošević regime in October 2000, complex political issues have prevented its faster progress toward the EU. EU measures after 2001 in the areas of financial assistance, trade, and legal harmonization have sustained in a major way the country’s political and economic reforms, facilitating fast economic integration with the EU economy, financial and banking integration, the adoption of many laws in conformity with the acquis communuataire, new business opportunities, and increasing foreign direct investment. However, the Serbia–EU integration process has also been accompanied by strict political conditionality that has greatly delayed the establishment of contractual relations. Despite major efforts of various governments to comply with EU conditions, it was only in late April 2008 that Serbia concluded a Stabilization and Association Agreement with the EU, which has paved the way for obtaining candidate status in 2012 and the opening of EU accession negotiations in 2014. In the meantime, EU’s enlargement negotiations framework has been strengthened further, making the negotiation talks much more complex and demanding. In addition to Serbia’s insufficient compliance with accession criteria, particularly reforms of the judiciary and public administration, the contested issue of Kosovo’s independence continues to pose a major threat to Serbia’s entry into the EU. Despite the absence of a common position on the part of the EU, given that Kosovo has still not been recognized by five EU member states, the limited progress in the Belgrade–Priština EU-facilitated dialogue represents one of the major obstacles for Serbia’s EU membership. Serbia’s entry into the EU, which could possibly take place in 2025, is likely to bring many benefits to the country and its population, but also to the EU, as this is a region of not only risks but also opportunities.


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