scholarly journals ‘HOW WELL ARE WE DOING?’ THE UNITED KINGDOM AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION OF THE OECD ANTI-BRIBERY CONVENTION

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
John Hatchard

The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions (the OECD Convention) entered into force on 15 February 1999. As at 31 May 2017, there were 41 State Parties (the Parties) comprising the thirty-five OECD member countries and six non-member countries.The United Kingdom (UK) ratified the Convention in 1998. The OECD Convention is supplemented by the Revised Recommendations of the Council of the OECD on Combating Bribery in International Business Transactions (the 2009 Recommendations),Annex I of which contains “Good Practice Guidance on Implementing Specific Articles of the Convention.”In March 2017, the OECD Working Group on Bribery in International Business Transactions (the WGB) published its Phase 4 Report on the United Kingdom’s implementation of the OECD Convention (Phase 4 Report).Having provided a short background section on the scope of the OECD Convention and the role of the WGB, the following section will review some of the key recommendations contained in the Phase 4 Report. In the final section, an assessment is made as to how well the UK is doing with regard to the implementation of its OECD Convention obligations.   

Author(s):  
Stuart Bell

This chapter examines the overall structure and substance of environmental law in the United Kingdom (UK). There are three main sections—the first considers the allocation of power for environmental regulation in the UK by analysing three competing forces that have helped to shape the ‘infrastructure’ of environmental law in the United Kingdom. The second section provides an outline of the structure and substance of the core areas of environmental regulation in the United Kingdom. The aim here is to summarize the techniques employed in the UK to regulate environmental quality, land use, waste management, nature conservation, and industrial pollution control. The final section addresses implementation; focusing on the role of central government, local government, specialist agencies, and courts and tribunals.


Author(s):  
Matthew J. Goodwin ◽  
James Dennison

This chapter examines the evolution of the extreme and radical right in the United Kingdom, providing an overview of its historical, organizational, and electoral development. In contrast to the experience of several other Western democracies, the repeated failures of extreme and radical right parties in Britain led academics to point to “British exceptionalism,” or to portray this case as the “ugly duckling” in the wider family of Europe’s extreme right. However, between 2010 and 2016, the UK Independence Party (UKIP) scored a string of impressive successes, finishing ahead of the mainstream parties in the 2014 European Parliament elections, then winning nearly 13 percent of the popular vote in the 2015 general election. The final section considers the role of UKIP in the United Kingdom’s 2016 referendum on European Union membership and what the future is likely to hold for the radical right in Britain.


Author(s):  
Karla Perez Portilla

This article is a theoretical analysis aimed at articulating the harm caused by media (mis)representation, and at showing existing ways in which this harm can be contested. The approaches analysed are largely from the United Kingdom. However, the issues they raise are not unique and the models explored are potentially transferable. The examples cover a range of media, including British right-wing press, television and Facebook; and characteristics protected by equality legislation in the UK such as sex, sexual orientation, race, religion and mental health stigma. Crucially, all the initiatives presented demonstrate the group-based nature of media (mis)representations, which cannot be understood and, therefore, cannot be addressed through individualistic approaches. Therefore, the article concludes that the role of groups as the targets of media (mis)representation and as potential claimants should be fully acknowledged and enabled.


1988 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 281-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. D. O'Brien ◽  
W. C. Shaw

The role of dental and orthodontic auxiliaries in Europe and the United States is reviewed, and the advantages of their employment in the United Kingdom are discussed in terms of increasing the cost-effectiveness of orthodontic treatment provision. A three-stage programme for the evaluation of Orthodontic Auxiliaries in the UK is proposed.


1984 ◽  
Vol 16 (12) ◽  
pp. 461-471 ◽  
Author(s):  
M G Healey

The paper outlines general policy on sludge disposal in the United Kingdom and administrative arrangements for water services. It indicates the legislative controls though good practice is achieved through observance of non-statutory guidelines. Statistics largely emanating from a recent survey are given. The resource value of sewage sludge is placed in national context and an appraisal is made of the potential risk to health, the environment and crop yield, though years of experience have shown little risk so long as good practice is followed. The UK guidelines are designed to encourage the utilisation of sewage sludge making recommendations on suitable uses and the precautions to be observed. General advice is given on good agricultural and sewage sludge disposal practice and on the monitoring of operations. The paper concludes with reference to research being undertaken for the purpose of confirming or refining the guidelines.


2021 ◽  
pp. 611-639
Author(s):  
Nick Barlow ◽  
Tim Bale

This chapter examines the United Kingdom’s sole post-war coalition government and how it interacted with the Westminster Model’s assumption of single-party government. It looks at the issue from two perspectives: firstly, how much the usual processes of single-party government changed to accommodate two parties in government, and secondly, how David Cameron’s Conservatives and Nick Clegg’s Liberal Democrats worked together as parties in government in ways that fitted with the expectations of the Westminster Model. It examines this single example of coalition government in its political and historical contexts, exploring why a coalition occurred in 2010 and how it managed to continue in office for a full parliamentary term. The chapter begins with the comparatively swift process of negotiation through which the coalition was formed, then proceeds to look at how the expectations of that negotiation survived contact with the actual processes of government. It concludes by examining what the procedural and political impacts of the coalition on the UK have been, including the role of the coalition’s Fixed-Term Parliament Act on the stability of it and future governments.


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