The Radical Right in the United Kingdom

Author(s):  
Matthew J. Goodwin ◽  
James Dennison

This chapter examines the evolution of the extreme and radical right in the United Kingdom, providing an overview of its historical, organizational, and electoral development. In contrast to the experience of several other Western democracies, the repeated failures of extreme and radical right parties in Britain led academics to point to “British exceptionalism,” or to portray this case as the “ugly duckling” in the wider family of Europe’s extreme right. However, between 2010 and 2016, the UK Independence Party (UKIP) scored a string of impressive successes, finishing ahead of the mainstream parties in the 2014 European Parliament elections, then winning nearly 13 percent of the popular vote in the 2015 general election. The final section considers the role of UKIP in the United Kingdom’s 2016 referendum on European Union membership and what the future is likely to hold for the radical right in Britain.

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-130
Author(s):  
John Hatchard

The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions (the OECD Convention) entered into force on 15 February 1999. As at 31 May 2017, there were 41 State Parties (the Parties) comprising the thirty-five OECD member countries and six non-member countries.The United Kingdom (UK) ratified the Convention in 1998. The OECD Convention is supplemented by the Revised Recommendations of the Council of the OECD on Combating Bribery in International Business Transactions (the 2009 Recommendations),Annex I of which contains “Good Practice Guidance on Implementing Specific Articles of the Convention.”In March 2017, the OECD Working Group on Bribery in International Business Transactions (the WGB) published its Phase 4 Report on the United Kingdom’s implementation of the OECD Convention (Phase 4 Report).Having provided a short background section on the scope of the OECD Convention and the role of the WGB, the following section will review some of the key recommendations contained in the Phase 4 Report. In the final section, an assessment is made as to how well the UK is doing with regard to the implementation of its OECD Convention obligations.   


Author(s):  
Stuart Bell

This chapter examines the overall structure and substance of environmental law in the United Kingdom (UK). There are three main sections—the first considers the allocation of power for environmental regulation in the UK by analysing three competing forces that have helped to shape the ‘infrastructure’ of environmental law in the United Kingdom. The second section provides an outline of the structure and substance of the core areas of environmental regulation in the United Kingdom. The aim here is to summarize the techniques employed in the UK to regulate environmental quality, land use, waste management, nature conservation, and industrial pollution control. The final section addresses implementation; focusing on the role of central government, local government, specialist agencies, and courts and tribunals.


Acta Politica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo Ortiz Barquero ◽  
Antonia María Ruiz Jiménez ◽  
Manuel Tomás González-Fernández

AbstractThe aim of this research is to examine to what extent the electoral support for radical right parties (RRPs) is driven by ‘policy voting’ and to compare this support with that of centre-right parties. Using the European Election Study 2019, we focus on six party systems: Spain, Italy, France, Germany, Austria, and the United Kingdom. Our analyses reveal that party preferences for RRPs are better explained by policy considerations than by other alternative explanations (e.g. by ‘globalization losers’ or ‘protest voting’). Additionally, the results show that although preferences for both party families are mainly rooted in ‘policy voting’, notable differences emerge when looking at the role of specific policy dimensions. Overall, these findings suggest that the support for RRPs cannot be understood fundamentally as a mere reaction against economic pauperization or political dissatisfaction but instead as an ideological decision based on rational choice models.


Author(s):  
Karla Perez Portilla

This article is a theoretical analysis aimed at articulating the harm caused by media (mis)representation, and at showing existing ways in which this harm can be contested. The approaches analysed are largely from the United Kingdom. However, the issues they raise are not unique and the models explored are potentially transferable. The examples cover a range of media, including British right-wing press, television and Facebook; and characteristics protected by equality legislation in the UK such as sex, sexual orientation, race, religion and mental health stigma. Crucially, all the initiatives presented demonstrate the group-based nature of media (mis)representations, which cannot be understood and, therefore, cannot be addressed through individualistic approaches. Therefore, the article concludes that the role of groups as the targets of media (mis)representation and as potential claimants should be fully acknowledged and enabled.


1988 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 281-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. D. O'Brien ◽  
W. C. Shaw

The role of dental and orthodontic auxiliaries in Europe and the United States is reviewed, and the advantages of their employment in the United Kingdom are discussed in terms of increasing the cost-effectiveness of orthodontic treatment provision. A three-stage programme for the evaluation of Orthodontic Auxiliaries in the UK is proposed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 611-639
Author(s):  
Nick Barlow ◽  
Tim Bale

This chapter examines the United Kingdom’s sole post-war coalition government and how it interacted with the Westminster Model’s assumption of single-party government. It looks at the issue from two perspectives: firstly, how much the usual processes of single-party government changed to accommodate two parties in government, and secondly, how David Cameron’s Conservatives and Nick Clegg’s Liberal Democrats worked together as parties in government in ways that fitted with the expectations of the Westminster Model. It examines this single example of coalition government in its political and historical contexts, exploring why a coalition occurred in 2010 and how it managed to continue in office for a full parliamentary term. The chapter begins with the comparatively swift process of negotiation through which the coalition was formed, then proceeds to look at how the expectations of that negotiation survived contact with the actual processes of government. It concludes by examining what the procedural and political impacts of the coalition on the UK have been, including the role of the coalition’s Fixed-Term Parliament Act on the stability of it and future governments.


Author(s):  
Rhona Smith

Abstract With headlines referencing ‘U.N.ACCEPTABLE Clueless UN official’, ‘“loopy” UN inspector’ and ‘UN meddler’, it is clear that UN special procedure mandate holders can be subjected to negative national press coverage when visiting the United Kingdom. Indeed, some media outlets border on vitriolic in their coverage of mandate holders’ visits and reports. This paper argues that a number of misconceptions and misunderstandings explain some of this media coverage. UN special procedure mandate holders are not employed by the UN, nor are they dispatched by the UN to investigate the UK. Rather they are independent and receive no payment for their time or work. Actual visits are funded from the UN general budget and the UK is not alone being examined and critiqued. In explaining some of the misconceptions and misunderstandings, the paper clarifies the role of special rapporteurs and the contribution they make to the UN.


2020 ◽  
Vol 321 ◽  
pp. 01006
Author(s):  
Martin Jackson

The paper presents highlights of the titanium alloy research developments since Ti-2015 (San Diego). The review underlines the strong and collaborative fundamental research conducted at UK universities through strategic government sponsored programmes. The role of advanced characterisation and modelling techniques in order to better understand the effects of deformation, fatigue loading and environment on titanium alloys continues to be world leading. Researchers in the UK are also continuing to develop a range of new alloys, methods of extraction and emerging near net shape processes via casting, powder and wire-fed routes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Fracalossi de Moraes

ABSTRACT In 1964, the UK government imposed an arms embargo on South Africa, which it maintained until the end of the white minority rule. What explains this embargo? Using mainly archival evidence, this paper demonstrates that domestic political dynamics in the United Kingdom mediated the influence of the transnational anti-apartheid and anti-colonial struggles on the British government. The United Kingdom imposed and maintained this embargo due in part to a domestic advocacy network, whose hub was the Anti-Apartheid Movement. The paper provides a comprehensive explanation of an important issue in British foreign policy, the anti-colonial struggle, and Southern Africa's history. There are theoretical implications for foreign policy analysis concerning the role of advocacy networks, interactions between local and global activism, the role of political parties’ ideology and contestation, the effects on foreign policy of changes in a normative environment, the effects of norm contestation, and normative determinants of sanctions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 167-188
Author(s):  
Erik R. Tillman

This chapter examines the relationship between authoritarianism, age, and radical right party support. This book’s worldview evolution proposes that the relationship between authoritarianism and radical right party support should be stronger among younger voters. However, a rival cultural backlash argument suggests that the relationship should be strongest among older voters, who were socialized in an era of traditional values and less diversity. The analysis finds evidence consistent with the worldview evolution argument while leading to a rejection of the cultural backlash hypothesis. Neither older voters nor older high authoritarians are more likely to support radical right parties. However, the relationship between authoritarianism and radical right party support is stronger among younger voters in each country besides the United Kingdom. This finding suggests that the worldview evolution is driven more by younger voters with fewer prior party attachments, and it also should lead to a rejection of the claim that populist radical right party support comes mostly from ageing demographic groups who will soon be replaced in the electorate.


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