Der große Wahn

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Bargatzky

In these days, we live in a new Cold War. On the side of Western elites, the disintegration and collapse of the Soviet Union was seen as representing the End of History and a permanent triumph of democratic values. American triumphalism, an expression of the idea of Manifest Destiny, believed that America was capable of reshaping the world in its image. According to this concept, the world was entering a New World Order in which international norms and transnational principles of human rights would prevail over the traditional prerogatives of sovereign governments. Promoting regime change was considered a legitimate act of foreign policy. In reality, all of this turned out to be illusionary. Instead of promoting peace, the attempt to usher in a New American Century resulted in international terrorism and endless wars in Afghanistan and the Near East. The eastward enlargement of NATO entails the risk of nuclear war. The New World Order turns out to be a big delusion, endangering the survival of humankind.

1994 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-97
Author(s):  
David Robie

Review of Whose Story? Reporting the Developing World After the Cold War, edited by Jill Spelliscy and Gerald B. Sperling, Calgary, Canada: Detselig Enterprises, 1993. 242 pp. 'I get terribly angry', remarks Daniel Nelson, editor of Gemini News Service, 'when journalists take the phrase, which is completly manufactured, "New World Order"—it's absolutely meaningless. Personally I don't think there is a New World Order. I think we have the same world order, but without the Soviet Union which was never a major part of the world economy. And if you live in Katmandu or Kampala, there is no change.'


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-147
Author(s):  
S. Martirosyan

The author of the article argues that the M. Gorbachev Reconstruction (Perestroyka) had deliberately been designed to cause the collapse of the Soviet Union, to drag the country in the world economy and lay a foundation to establish a “New World Order”. Meanwhile, the author demonstrates how the process of collapse was kept secretly, and the role of foreign factors contributed to that collapse.


1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 39-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony J. Payne ◽  
Paul K. Sutton

The Supposed emergence of a New World Order has quickly become one of the cliches of the 1990s. First enunciated by President Bush in the context of US attempts to mobilize international support for the Gulf War, the phrase has already been defined and redefined in countless journalistic analyses of recent events in Eastern Europe, the Gulf itself and lately of course the Soviet Union. This is not the place to add directly to that debate. It is obvious that the world order of the 1990s is very different from the post-1945 order. Briefly expressed, it is constituted by the interplay between, on the one hand, a new but still unequal diffusion of power between the core states of the world (the United States, the European Community [EC], and Japan) and, on the other, a new concentration of power in the hands of international capital.


1991 ◽  
Vol 6 (0) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Chong-Ki Choi

Order is not always the same as justice. But after radical changes of the Soviet Union and east Europe, most analysts and specialists of international politics are trying to predict new world order after Cold War. Of course order gives us concrete situation for making foreign policies and economic cooperation and pursuing them. And order at least frees us from instability of international politics. But order, at the same time, limits each country's right to take alternatives for her interests. At any rate, we need to analyze the international situation and predict new world order after Cold War. What will be the shape of the new world order? Some analyst, such as Prof. Paul Kennedy in the Rise and Fall of Great Powers describe the change in the world as the decline of the superpowers, including both the Soviet Union and the United States. Other specialists such as Prof. Joseph Nye in Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power describes that while the United States will remain the largest state, the world will see a diffusion of power and a growth of multiple inter-dependencies.


2009 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stig A. Nohrstedt

Abstract How has war journalism changed since the end of the Cold War? After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, there was talk of a new world order. The Balkan Wars of the 1990s gave rise to the concept of “new wars”. The 1990-91 Gulf War was the commercial breakthrough for the around-the-clock news channel CNN, and the war in Afghanistan in 2001 for its competitor al-Jazeera. The 2003 Iraq war saw Internet’s great breakthrough in war journalism. A new world order, new wars, and new media – what impact is all this having on war journalism? This article outlines some important trends based on recent media research and discusses the new challenges as well as the consequences they entail for the conditions of war journalism, its professional reflexivity and democratic role.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 442-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
SERGEY CHUGROV

It seems that everyone has already realized that our world enters a period of fundamental changes and the formation of a new world order. Today, the question of how the modern world will develop is one of the most vital problems of international relations. Therefore, I want to once again prudently refer to the books by J. John Ikenberry and Acharya Amitav on the American World Order (AWO)? Both books represent a lucid, intelligent, and thought-provoking analysis of tectonic transformations in the world as well as a subtle foresight of certain trends.


1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-137
Author(s):  
Taha J. Al ‘Alwani

The year which has just ended has presented the Muslim world with a majorchallenge: the bipolar world order which provided some kind of balance betweenthe East and the West disintegrated and was replaced by a unipolar one.How will this affect us?The new world order is an order controlled by a single superpowex whichhas its own philosophy, thought, and culture. If we look closely, it seems thatits philosophy stands on a collection of what appears to be mutually opposeddualities which both necessitate the various elements of conflict and make allattempts to end the resulting polarization and conflict futile. But the recentdemise of the opposite pole and the end of the Cold War does not mean thatthe world is about to witness a period of peace, tranquility, and security in theshade of this so-called new world order. hther, the inherently belligerent natureof this entirely Western-controlled civilization precludes such a development,for such an order requires an opponent, either real or imagined. In other words,if one is not readily available it will have to be created, so that the fight canbe carried on elsewhere. While many are now saying that the nature ofthe conflictmay shift from military to economic power, this does not automaticallymean that positive developments will occur or that the world can expect trueand constant security, tranquility, or peace from this civilization.It is thus all the more disconcerting that the Islamic world finds itself ina state of unpreparedness and disarray unprecedented in all of its lox history,and that the collapse of the Soviet Union, the other Western pole, leaves therole of adversary to the Islamic world. All of this suggests that the Islamic world,which is now infirm, divided, and unable to protect its own resources, will befaced with the prospect of becoming a battleground over the course of the nextfew decades.It is therefore essential that Muslim scholars, thinkers, research institutes,universities, and enlightened political elites undertake the responsibility of ensuringthat the Islamic world passes through this coming period of crisis successfully ...


Author(s):  
Herman T. Salton

This chapter reviews the role of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) before and during the Rwandan genocide. After introducing the peculiar context of the early 1990s and the promises of the so-called ‘New World Order’ which followed the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, the chapter outlines the role of DPKO during the early reconnaissance mission to Rwanda and reviews several decisions taken by the peacekeeping department. These include the size of the mission and its troop levels, the so-called ‘genocide cable’ sent by Dallaire about forthcoming ethnic massacres, and the mandate and rules of engagement of the Rwandan operation. The chapter also introduces the phenomenon of the ‘anticipatory veto’, or a tendency on the part of Secretariat officials to recommend to the Security Council only what the latter is likely to endorse.


Itinerario ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-22
Author(s):  
Jan Nederveen Pieterse

Fukuyama's thesis of the end of history evoked a great deal of attention because it seemed to provide the ideological foundation for a new round of US hegemony, the ideological gloss for a new American assertiveness. The mood in US debates at the time had been pessimistic, while global political realities, in particular the weakening of the Soviet Union, provided opportunities for a new American assertiveness. Setting forth an ideological stance for the post-Cold War political dispensation, Fukuyama's essay filled the ideology gap.


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