Coda

In the early spring of 1989, First Lady Barbara Bush received Martha Graham at the White House for a social call and a discussion of Graham’s upcoming tour, again “behind the Iron Curtain.” They exchanged gifts but also broke with protocol as they played with the Bush dogs; a relaxed familiarity infused the women’s smiles as the new pups jumped on Graham’s lap. The company would return to Poland and Yugoslavia, move to Czechoslovakia and Hungary, and then finish in Russia, appearing in St. Petersburg and Moscow. Graham prepared for the tour with a gala featuring Mikhail Baryshnikov, the newest Soviet defector, in a “premiere” of American Document, with Baryshnikov dancing and reciting words from American documents such as the Declaration of Independence. Graham would come out of retirement as a dancer, and a film of her dancing with the defector would be shown on tour. Graham recruited Barbara Bush to become gala chair, and wrote notes describing the tour plans. Although the Wall would not fall until November, the month Graham was to perform in the bloc nations, peaceful revolts began to take place in Poland and Hungary. Reserved in his approach, President Bush may not have appreciated Graham’s heavy-handed Americana. Remaining ever-contemporary, Graham’s tour scout returned from Moscow to the United States, sharing a plane with Donald Trump’s own real estate scout. The Bush tour never took place. Graham passed away on April Fool’s Day, in 1991, the same year the Cold War officially ended.

The Language of Propaganda in President Bush Jr. Political Speech

The study of this article was set out to identify the use of the language of propaganda in Bush’s political speech. It was purposed to clarify the propaganda techniques applied by Bush in order to have one point of view among the audiences. The study focused on how the techniques of propaganda occurred within Bush Jr.’s speech in which he attempted to explain the different sides of who is combating terrorism and who is performing terror. The material of analysis was the speech delivered by Bush Jr. in front of the Military Officers Association of America Meeting in 2006. This article then found that the propagandist tries to control the relationship between information and audiences’ mind through the usage of language in their political speech. It was argued that propaganda can also effectively work toward almost all types of audiences, whereas the strategy of propaganda was mostly creating a fallacious reasoning connection concerning the topics being discussed.

EVOLUTION OF US POLICY TOWARD IRAN’S NUCLEAR PROGRAM IN XXI CENTURY: FROM PRESIDENT BUSH TO PRESIDENT TRUMP

Since 2002 until now, the Iranian nuclear program remains one of the hottest international problems despite the efforts of three US presidential administrations, which ruled during this time to solve the Iranian issue. This article analyses and compares the policy toward Iran of three US presidents George Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump, discusses the positive and negative consequences of their attempts to solve the Iranian nuclear issue, and outlines the future prospects of US-Iran communication over the nuclear deal. President Trump's policy on Iran was somewhat similar to that of President Bush, both presidents rejected the policy of any concessions to Iran and focused on the policy of pressure. The US withdrawal from the JCPOA influenced not only the relations between the US and Iran, but also the relations of European countries, as since its release in 2018, Europe has tried to save the JCPOA and deter Iran from resuming its nuclear program. In general, Trump's policies not only canceled the nuclear deal, which was the result of long negotiations by the Obama administration, but also complicated further negotiations with Iran. Despite the victory of Democrat Joe Biden, who is a follower of Obama's policies, signing a new agreement with Iran may be even more difficult than it was in 2013-2015, because Iran's missile program has become even more developed, as well as distrust of international treaties as well. The article analyzes the possible consequences of Trump's policies and options for returning to dialogue and agreement. The next crucial stage in Iran-US relations is the upcoming elections in Iran in 2021, the results of which will affect the readiness of any concessions to ease sanctions and establish a dialogue. Key words: Iranian nuclear program, Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), economic sanctions.

How the “Surge” Came to Be

This chapter explores first-hand insights from President Bush's national security advisor, Stephen J. Hadley, and two National Security Council staff members, Meghan O'Sullivan and Peter Feaver, about the logic of the surge strategy and the process by which that strategy emerged. The “surge” is generally understood as the deployment to Iraq of 20,000 to 30,000 US troops in 2007 to supplement the roughly 160,000 already there. More importantly, however, it reflected a change in strategy in how US forces would be used. They would deploy with Iraqi military and police units and live out among the Iraqi people rather than on US military bases. Their priority would be to help Iraqi forces provide security for the Iraqi people. The surge would also create more time and a better environment in which to build Iraqi security forces. The essential feature of the decision-making process that produced the surge was that from the beginning President Bush was at the center of the process. Ultimately, President Bush's decision to launch the surge ended a major strategic debate within his administration.

Coercion by fear: Securitization of Iraq prior to the 2003 war

The Iraq War was one of the most prominent events of the early 2000s. The prelude to the war halted the sense of optimism that captivated International Relations as a discipline after the end of the Cold War. The United States initiated this war following a lengthy securitization process. This study focuses on analyzing the securitization process in Iraq prior to the 2003 war. To that end, the article investigates the securitization process by asking, “How, within what context, and when did the securitization of Iraq take place?” For the study, 85 speeches made by President Bush are analyzed to examine how the president presented Iraq as an existential threat. The study also examines the kinds of arguments used by the Bush administration in securitizing Iraq. This study contributes to the literature on the 2003 Iraq War and security studies by applying Securitization Theory to the Iraq case by incorporating two essential contributions to the securitization analysis: context and audience(s).

Part II History: Fact and Fiction, 6 Presidential Inability Since 1967

Section 4 of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment has never been used, though it should have been used when President Reagan was shot and nearly killed in 1981. He was unconscious for hours and incapacitated for days, but his administration decided not to transfer power to Vice President Bush. Several years later, Reagan’s staff considered Section 4 more seriously, due to concerns about the President’s performance. They decided against it. Reagan did, however, invoke the Twenty-Fifth Amendment’s less exciting Section 3 prior to a planned surgery, setting a precedent followed by President George W. Bush on two occasions.