us hegemony
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2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 131-156
Author(s):  
Ömer Turan

Abstract The student movement of ’68 was both a major source of inspiration and subject of research for the social movement scholars. One persistent disagreement about studying ’68 lies between the world-system theory—Wallerstein views the movement as “a single revolution”—and the contentious politics approach—McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly refuse to consider ’68 “one grand movement.” Expanding this theoretical debate, this article overviews Turkey’s ’68 movement and discusses its divergence from the global movement. Wallerstein summarizes “the single revolution” of ’68 with five points: challenging US hegemony, working-class solidarity, demanding education reform, counter-culture, and challenging the old left. This article revisits these points and cross-reads them with insights of the contentious politics approach to evaluate Turkey’s ’68 movement. It then focuses on mobilizing structures, framing processes, and repertoires of contention that have shaped student activism.


2021 ◽  
pp. 211-225
Author(s):  
Nathalie Tocci

In his In Defence of Europe, Loukas Tsoukalis posits that globalization and European integration are two sides of the same coin. Both are premised on the gains in peace and prosperity to be reaped by openness and interdependence. Hence, the twin crises of globalization and European integration are not merely closely intertwined; their fundamentally similar natures mean the latter has been unable to control the excesses of the former. Moreover, the European project has been undergirded by an international liberal order resting on US hegemony. As that order has started to crack, with the USA unable and unwilling to sustain the system that it was decisive in establishing, and other global powers challenging its core norms, the EU’s vulnerabilities are coming to the fore. For decades, the EU has pursued its internal and international policies insulated from geopolitical encroachments. Today, Europeans find themselves exposed to the vulnerabilities of asymmetric interdependence, lacking not the capabilities but rather the psychological predisposition and political willingness to act together. Appreciating this predicament, several European leaders have called for European sovereignty, power, and autonomy. Underpinning these slogans is the recognition that if Europeans are to stand up to Trump, Putin, and Xi, and manage the epochal challenges stemming from demography, climate change, and the digital age, they can only do so together. This chapter concludes by outlining what European sovereignty and autonomy may mean, notably in the economic, digital, and defence fields, and why meeting the challenge of autonomy is existential for the European project.


2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-566
Author(s):  
Dario Gaggio

In the aftermath of World War II, Italy’s centrist leaders saw in the emerging US empire an opportunity to implement emigration schemes that had been in circulation for decades. Hundreds of thousands of Italian peasant farmers could perhaps be able to settle on Latin American and African land thanks to the contribution of US capital. This article examines the Italian elites’ obsession with rural colonization abroad as the product of their desire to valorize the legacy of Italy's settler colonialism in Libya and thereby reinvent Italy's place in the world in the aftermath of military defeat and decolonization. Despite the deep ambivalence of US officials, Italy received Marshall Plan funds to carry out experimental settlements in several Latin American countries. These visions of rural settlement also built on the nascent discourses about the ‘development’ of non-western areas. Despite the limited size and success of the Italian rural ‘colonies’ in Latin America, these projects afford a window into the politics of decolonization, the character of US hegemony at the height of the Cold War, and the evolving attitude of Latin American governments towards immigration and rural development. They also reveal the contradictory relationships between Italy's leaders and the country's rural masses, viewed as redundant and yet precious elements to be deployed in a global geopolitical game.


2021 ◽  
pp. 375-395
Author(s):  
Kathryn Weathersby

This paper examines some of the ways the US-centric framework of Anglophone Korean studies has distorted scholarship on post-colonial Korean history. First, an over-emphasis on the American role in the division of Korea has exaggerated the possibility that the US and USSR could have compromised to create a unified government for the peninsula. The Soviet documentary record reveals that Moscow was determined to obstruct such an outcome if it endangered Soviet security. Second, by focusing on the serious damage the American occupation inflicted on the South, scholars have understated the control Soviet occupation authorities exercised in the North.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fahim Khan , Anwar Ali , Dr. Hafiz Hammaduddin

In this article, there is a brief discussion on how the rising of China's state created a major threat for the United States Hegemony. According to Power Transition Theory (PTT), power is central in understanding the international system as a relative power to demonstrate the prerequisite for peace and war in the international system. So, power is basically an ability to impose on or convince a revolutionary act to comply with demands. The study is a qualitative analysis of the grounded facts and previously produced documents and researches. With the document analysis it is evident that both the countries work on the mutual interests, there is a low possibility of actual war like situation on any of the political or economic grounds between China and the US. China can be considered as an economic superpower if it peruse all its economic expansion plans, on the other hand US will remain on top on the political or military fronts.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 287-297
Author(s):  
Sadia Fayaz ◽  
Nasrullah Khan

The policies formed by US leadership play a vital role in establishing US hegemony all over the world. The foreign policy of a state made according to the national interest. A rational decision of a leader plays a vital role in the effectiveness of the foreign policy. The challenges faced by Barack Obama in 2008 were somehow different from the challenges faced by Trump in 2016. The comparative analysis of both foreign policies would make it easy to determine the right and wrong decision taken by both leaders. The changing circumstances of the world would be identified through this research paper. The world is moving towards multipolarity, and somehow the decisions taken by Trump after his incumbent of office had the worst impact on US foreign policy because Trump was trying to isolate the US from world affairs, including trade and security.


Significance Biden looks set to renounce the previous administration's isolationism and confront global challenges, which in the North African context risk exacerbating long-standing problematic security trends. Impacts De facto division of Libya into Turkish and Russian spheres will be another indication of waning US hegemony in the area. Rescinding Trump’s recognition of Morocco’s claim on Western Sahara would trigger the greatest crisis ever in US-Moroccan relations. Washington could face difficulties coordinating with Algiers on key counterterrorism issues.


Author(s):  
Andrew Geddes

While there is no formalized regional migration governance in North America and little prospect of it developing, there are powerful regionalized effects linked to US hegemony and the interest of US capital. Understandings and representations of migration in the US governance system have had powerful regional effects and shaped responses in both Canada and Mexico. An increased focus on the deterrence that existed prior to the 9/11 terror attacks of 2001 has shaped regionalized responses. The election of Donald Trump as president in 2016 brought nativist and racist rhetoric to US immigration policy and to relations with its neighbours, but ramped up provisions that, unwilling as he was to admit it, were already well established.


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