Roman history and the ideological vacuum

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. P. Wiseman
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Roman Republic ◽  
Political History ◽  
Roman History ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of ◽  
Concepts Of Democracy ◽  
The Many

For the twentieth century, the political history of Athens was essentially ideological, involving great issues of freedom and tyranny, while that of the Roman Republic was merely a struggle for power, with no significant ideological content. But why should that be? The Romans were perfectly familiar with the concepts and terminology of Greek political philosophy and used them to describe their own politics, as Cicero explains in writing in 56 bc. Not surprisingly. Greek authors who dealt with Roman politics used the concepts of democracy and oligarchy, the rule of the many or the rule of the best, without any sense that it was an inappropriate idiom.

scholarly journals The Philosophy of Political History in Oakeshott and Collingwood

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-303
Author(s):  
James Alexander
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of ◽  
Entire History ◽  
Political Philosopher

Every political philosopher has a philosophy of political history, if sometimes not a very good one. Oakeshott and Collingwood are two twentieth century political philosophers who were particularly concerned with the significance of history for political philosophy; and who both, in the 1940s, sketched what I call philosophies of political history: that is, systematic schemes which could make sense of the entire history of political philosophy. In this article I observe that Oakeshott depended for the political threefold sketched in his Introduction to Hobbes’s Leviathan on a threefold Collingwood had developed in relation to science in The Idea of Nature. This is, I think, a novel observation. I contrast this political threefold with Collingwood’s own political threefold in The New Leviathan. I then consider the neglect of these schemes, along with the rare attempts to defend such philosophies of history in the writings of Greenleaf and Boucher. My own claim is that these philosophies of political history are exemplary: and that the threefold is, for obvious Hegelian reasons, a still useful form for this sort of reflection. Political philosophy is likely to improve the more it takes the philosophy of political history seriously.

Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 162-168
Author(s):  
Kevin Duong
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social Bonds ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nineteenth Century France ◽  
History Of ◽  
French Tradition

This conclusion reviews the importance of studying redemptive violence in nineteenth century France in light of the political history of the twentieth century. It argues that, despite the increased intensity of violence in the twentieth century, a study of redemptive violence in the nineteenth century is still important for us today. That is because it emphasizes that all democratic revolutions are social revolutions. All democratic revolutions pose the problem of reconstructing democratic social bonds. Redemptive violence’s history underscores that fraternité was always as important as liberty and equality in the French tradition. Critics of fraternité today ignore the importance of democratic solidarity at their peril.

scholarly journals De um ditador civil aos ditadores militares

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Franciel José Ganancini
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Getulio Vargas ◽  
The Military

Resumo: Este artigo aborda uma parte da história política do Brasil, situando o período compreendido entre os governos de Getúlio Vargas, a partir de 1930, e o golpe civil-militar de 1964. O referido período esteve marcado por profundas mudanças econômicas, políticas e culturais, seja no Brasil, seja no restante do mundo. No artigo abordaremos a ascensão de Getúlio Vargas, o seu relacionamento com os militares, bem como o fortalecimento das Forças Armadas e sua atuação na política brasileira do século XX. Palavras-chave: Getúlio Vargas. Forças Armadas. Golpe de 1964. FROM A CIVIL DICTATOR TO MILITARY DICTATORS Abstract: This article discusses some of the political history of Brazil, closing the period between Getulio Vargas’s governments, in 1930, and civil-military coup in 1964. This period was marked by deep economic, political and cultural changes, both in Brazil and in the world. In this article we discuss the rise of Getulio Vargas’s government, his relationship with the military, as well as the strengthening of the armed forces and its role in the twentieth century Brazilian politics. Keywords: Getúlio Vargas. Military Forces. Coup of 1964.

A Questionnaire on Decolonization

October ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 174 ◽  
pp. 3-125
Author(s):  
Huey Copeland ◽  
Hal Foster ◽  
David Joselit ◽  
Pamela M. Lee
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Contemporary Art ◽  
Postcolonial Theory ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Art World ◽  
The West ◽  
Art Activism ◽  
History Of ◽  
Point Of Reference

The term decolonize has gained a new life in recent art activism, as a radical challenge to the Eurocentrism of museums (in light of Native, Indigenous, and other epistemological perspectives) as well as in the museum's structural relation to violence (either in its ties to oligarchic trustees or to corporations engaged in the business of war or environmental depredation). In calling forth the mid-twentieth-century period of decolonization as its historical point of reference, the word's emphatic return is rhetorically powerful, and it corresponds to a parallel interest among scholars in a plural field of postcolonial or global modernisms. The exhortation to decolonize, however, is not uncontroversial-some believe it still carries a Eurocentric bias. Indeed, it has been proposed that, for the West, de-imperialization is perhaps even more urgent than decolonization. What does the term decolonize mean to you in your work in activism, criticism, art, and/or scholarship? Why has it come to play such an urgent role in the neoliberal West? How can we link it historically with the political history of decolonization, and how does it work to translate postcolonial theory into a critique of the neocolonial contemporary art world? Respondents include Nana Adusei-Poku, Brook Andrew, Sampada Aranke, Ian Bethell-Bennett, Kader Attia, Andrea Carlson, Elise Y. Chagas, ISUMA, Iftikhar Dadi, Janet Dees, Nitasha Dhillon, Hannah Feldman, Josh T. Franco, David Garneau, Renee Green, Iman Issa, Arnold J. Kemp, Thomas Lax, Nancy Luxon, Nelson Maldonado-Torres, Saloni Mathur, Tiona Nekkia McClodden, Alan Michelson, Partha Mitter, Isabela Muci Barradas, Steven Nelson, Ugochukwu-Smooth C. Nzewi, Alessandro Petti, Paulina Pineda, Christopher Pinney, Elizabeth Povinelli, Ryan Rice, Andrew Ross, Paul Chaat Smith, Nancy Spector, Francoise Verges, Rocio Zambrana, and Joseph R. Zordan.

Mining, history, and the anti-state Wa: the politics of autonomy between Burma and China

2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magnus Fiskesjö
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
State Formation ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mining History ◽  
History Of ◽  
Trade And Exchange

AbstractHistorically autonomous and fiercely egalitarian, yet far from isolated and extensively implicated in regional, and global, economies of trade and exchange, the Wa people on the Burma–China frontier stand out in the history of marginal peoples refusing to be marginalized. This article addresses the place of mining in the political history of the Wa area – a key part of what has recently been called the Zomia region, but one which differs from many other cases because of its activist statelessness. The history of the Wa areas is outlined and discussed with reference to larger debates over agency, autonomy, and state formation, with particular attention to mining resources and their relation to Wa politics before the mid twentieth century.

Conclusion

2019 ◽  
pp. 196-216
Author(s):  
James A. Palmer
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Roman History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Social Distinction ◽  
History Of ◽  
Communal Institutions

This concluding chapter highlights Pope Boniface IX's engagement with Rome following his ascent to the papacy in 1389. Boniface's accrual of goodwill early in his papacy culminated in the concession to him of dominion over Rome in 1398. Ultimately, the production of social distinction and political legitimacy through the practices described in this book—practices not dependent on communal institutions—was so successful that Rome's political elites lost interest in defending the autonomy of the Roman commune, ceding power willingly to the papacy. It was this transformation of Roman political culture that ultimately enabled the transformation both of Rome and its place in future politics. Appreciating this frees one from a misleading sense of Roman history born from the pens of fifteenth-century humanists and, by so doing, fundamentally alters Rome's place in the political history of Italy and of Europe.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rembert Lutjeharms
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poetry And Poetics ◽  
Sanskrit Poetics ◽  
History Of ◽  
Sanskrit Poetry ◽  
The Way

This chapter introduces the main themes of the book—Kavikarṇapūra, theology, Sanskrit poetry, and Sanskrit poetics—and provides an overview of each chapter. It briefly highlights the importance of the practice of poetry for the Caitanya Vaiṣṇava tradition, places Kavikarṇapūra in the (political) history of sixteenth‐century Bengal and Orissa as well as sketches his place in the early developments of the Caitanya Vaiṣṇava tradition (a topic more fully explored in Chapter 1). The chapter also reflects more generally on the nature of both his poetry and poetics, and highlights the way Kavikarṇapūra has so far been studied in modern scholarship.

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