A Questionnaire on Decolonization

October ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 174 ◽  
pp. 3-125
Author(s):  
Huey Copeland ◽  
Hal Foster ◽  
David Joselit ◽  
Pamela M. Lee
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Contemporary Art ◽  
Postcolonial Theory ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Art World ◽  
The West ◽  
Art Activism ◽  
History Of ◽  
Point Of Reference

The term decolonize has gained a new life in recent art activism, as a radical challenge to the Eurocentrism of museums (in light of Native, Indigenous, and other epistemological perspectives) as well as in the museum's structural relation to violence (either in its ties to oligarchic trustees or to corporations engaged in the business of war or environmental depredation). In calling forth the mid-twentieth-century period of decolonization as its historical point of reference, the word's emphatic return is rhetorically powerful, and it corresponds to a parallel interest among scholars in a plural field of postcolonial or global modernisms. The exhortation to decolonize, however, is not uncontroversial-some believe it still carries a Eurocentric bias. Indeed, it has been proposed that, for the West, de-imperialization is perhaps even more urgent than decolonization. What does the term decolonize mean to you in your work in activism, criticism, art, and/or scholarship? Why has it come to play such an urgent role in the neoliberal West? How can we link it historically with the political history of decolonization, and how does it work to translate postcolonial theory into a critique of the neocolonial contemporary art world? Respondents include Nana Adusei-Poku, Brook Andrew, Sampada Aranke, Ian Bethell-Bennett, Kader Attia, Andrea Carlson, Elise Y. Chagas, ISUMA, Iftikhar Dadi, Janet Dees, Nitasha Dhillon, Hannah Feldman, Josh T. Franco, David Garneau, Renee Green, Iman Issa, Arnold J. Kemp, Thomas Lax, Nancy Luxon, Nelson Maldonado-Torres, Saloni Mathur, Tiona Nekkia McClodden, Alan Michelson, Partha Mitter, Isabela Muci Barradas, Steven Nelson, Ugochukwu-Smooth C. Nzewi, Alessandro Petti, Paulina Pineda, Christopher Pinney, Elizabeth Povinelli, Ryan Rice, Andrew Ross, Paul Chaat Smith, Nancy Spector, Francoise Verges, Rocio Zambrana, and Joseph R. Zordan.

Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 162-168
Author(s):  
Kevin Duong
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social Bonds ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nineteenth Century France ◽  
History Of ◽  
French Tradition

This conclusion reviews the importance of studying redemptive violence in nineteenth century France in light of the political history of the twentieth century. It argues that, despite the increased intensity of violence in the twentieth century, a study of redemptive violence in the nineteenth century is still important for us today. That is because it emphasizes that all democratic revolutions are social revolutions. All democratic revolutions pose the problem of reconstructing democratic social bonds. Redemptive violence’s history underscores that fraternité was always as important as liberty and equality in the French tradition. Critics of fraternité today ignore the importance of democratic solidarity at their peril.

scholarly journals De um ditador civil aos ditadores militares

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Franciel José Ganancini
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political History ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Getulio Vargas ◽  
The Military

Resumo: Este artigo aborda uma parte da história política do Brasil, situando o período compreendido entre os governos de Getúlio Vargas, a partir de 1930, e o golpe civil-militar de 1964. O referido período esteve marcado por profundas mudanças econômicas, políticas e culturais, seja no Brasil, seja no restante do mundo. No artigo abordaremos a ascensão de Getúlio Vargas, o seu relacionamento com os militares, bem como o fortalecimento das Forças Armadas e sua atuação na política brasileira do século XX. Palavras-chave: Getúlio Vargas. Forças Armadas. Golpe de 1964. FROM A CIVIL DICTATOR TO MILITARY DICTATORS Abstract: This article discusses some of the political history of Brazil, closing the period between Getulio Vargas’s governments, in 1930, and civil-military coup in 1964. This period was marked by deep economic, political and cultural changes, both in Brazil and in the world. In this article we discuss the rise of Getulio Vargas’s government, his relationship with the military, as well as the strengthening of the armed forces and its role in the twentieth century Brazilian politics. Keywords: Getúlio Vargas. Military Forces. Coup of 1964.

Roman history and the ideological vacuum

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. P. Wiseman
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Roman Republic ◽  
Political History ◽  
Roman History ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of ◽  
Concepts Of Democracy ◽  
The Many

For the twentieth century, the political history of Athens was essentially ideological, involving great issues of freedom and tyranny, while that of the Roman Republic was merely a struggle for power, with no significant ideological content. But why should that be? The Romans were perfectly familiar with the concepts and terminology of Greek political philosophy and used them to describe their own politics, as Cicero explains in writing in 56 bc. Not surprisingly. Greek authors who dealt with Roman politics used the concepts of democracy and oligarchy, the rule of the many or the rule of the best, without any sense that it was an inappropriate idiom.

Art Narratives and Globalization

2011 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-144
Author(s):  
Patricia Esquivel
Keyword(s):  
Contemporary Art ◽  
Art World ◽  
The West ◽  
History Of Art ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
End Of Art ◽  
Arthur Danto

Arthur Danto proklamierte das »Ende der Kunst«, d. h. das Ende der auf ein Narrativ und auf eine unidirektionale Grundlage basierenden Kunstgeschichte. In der zeitgenössischen Kunstwelt und besonders in der Historiographie hingegen findet man durchaus ein Telos. Dieses Telos ist die Globalisierung. Es gibt heute ein sich ausbreitendes unidirektionales Narrativ, dessen Regel als »Netzwerklegitimation« erklärt werden kann. Ein Netzwerk, dessen Ausmaß (mehr Regionen der Welt), Sättigung (mehr Objekte) und Historizität (umfassendere Entwicklungsketten) zunehmen. Das Netzwerk hat auch einen Mittelpunkt, den Westen, wenn auch nicht für immer.<br><br>Arthur Danto proclaimed the »end of art«, that is, the end of the history of art structured on a narrative and unidirectional basis. But in contrast to Danto’s ideas, we detect a telos in the contemporary art world, especially in historiography. This telos is globalisation. At present, we have a clearly expansive unidirectional narrative in which the norm can be summed up as »network legitimation.« A network that is growing in extent (more regions of the world), saturation (more objects) and historicity ( further-ranging chains of development). The network also has a centre, the West, although it may not last forever.

African Settlers on the West Coast of India: The Sidi Elite of Janjira

2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faaeza Jasdanwalla
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
West Coast ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Origin ◽  
The West ◽  
West Coast Of India ◽  
History Of ◽  
Princely State

Abstract This paper discusses the political history of the Indian princely state of Janjira on the west coast of India. It was ruled by Sidis (Africans) from the early seventeenth century until the merger of princely states immediately after the independence of India in 1947. The Sidi rulers of Janjira were of African origin, having initially entered India as traders and serving in administrative capacities with the medieval Deccan kingdoms. The emphasis of this paper will be on the manner in which the rulers of Janjira were elected by a group of African Sidi chiefs or Sardars from amongst them for almost two centuries, as opposed to relying on hereditary primogeniture as a system of succession, and the implications that such a system had on the history of Janjira.

scholarly journals Islamic Spain 1250-1500

1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-122
Author(s):  
M'hammad Benaboud
Keyword(s):  
Analytical Approach ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chronological Order ◽  
The West ◽  
American Universities ◽  
History Of ◽  
Intellectual Integrity ◽  
Muslim Spain ◽  
Do So

This book presents a remarkable account of the political history of Andalusia(Muslim Spain) during the last phase of its existence. The author adoptsa cyclical approach in the sense that he traces the creation of the Banu Nasrkingdom in Granada, its development, and its decline and fall. He studies theperiod of each ruler in chronological order from the establishment of thekingdom of Granada to its collapse. Instead of limiting himself to descriptionor repetition, he chooses to adopt an analytical approach which permits himto deepen our insight regarding the period of each ruler. He reproduces a clearpicture which combines internal political developments and external relationswith the Christians.The author studies the history of the Muslims of Granada as well as thosein Christian Spain up to the Christian conquest of Granada. He is correct inincluding these two categories, for the religious, cultural, and linguistic criteriaunite these two groups, and also because their fates became similar after thefall of Granada in 1492. Thus both groups can be considered “Moriscos,” a topicwhich Harvey started working on over thirty years ago.The book is not easy to read, because it reflects many years of researchand has tremendous cultural weight. To the author’s obvious strenuous intellectualeffort, one may add his intellectual integrity as a distinguished scholarwho is credible in the West and in the East alike, somethmg which not all orientalistscan claim. He is critical of the history which he studies and its sourceswithout being offensive; the distorting influence of a personal dimension foundin other historians is here minimized. The author criticizes himself before beingcritical of others. His manner of presenting and interpreting history is convincing,as his intentions are exclusively scholarly. The author is a memberof a breed that is not very common in the politically oriented European andNorth American universities with regards to anything related to Islam andMuslims. This is not to say that he is beyond criticism, however, as the bookcould be faulted for not having relied directly on some of the fundamental andprimary Andalusian sources. We could disagree with his approach and suggestother approaches. Fortunately for his readers, the author is perhaps moreconscious of his limitations than anybody else, which is also why he did whathe proposed to do so admirably ...

Mining, history, and the anti-state Wa: the politics of autonomy between Burma and China

2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magnus Fiskesjö
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
State Formation ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mining History ◽  
History Of ◽  
Trade And Exchange

AbstractHistorically autonomous and fiercely egalitarian, yet far from isolated and extensively implicated in regional, and global, economies of trade and exchange, the Wa people on the Burma–China frontier stand out in the history of marginal peoples refusing to be marginalized. This article addresses the place of mining in the political history of the Wa area – a key part of what has recently been called the Zomia region, but one which differs from many other cases because of its activist statelessness. The history of the Wa areas is outlined and discussed with reference to larger debates over agency, autonomy, and state formation, with particular attention to mining resources and their relation to Wa politics before the mid twentieth century.

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