scholarly journals Provocative insinuations

Daímon ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Álvaro Domínguez Armas ◽  
Andrés Soria Ruiz

En este artículo analizamos oracio-nes que, sin constituir explícitamente discurso de odio, no obstante transmiten un mensaje de odio. Por ejemplo, en el titular “Refugiado iraquí es condenado en Alemania por violar y asesinar una chica adolescente”, la presencia de “refugiado iraquí” no parece arbitraria. Al contrario, invita una inferencia racista en contra de los refugiados iraquíes. Argumentamos que estas inferencias no pueden ser descritas como slurs, términos neutros utilizados como insultos, dogwhistles o implica-turas conversacionales. En cambio, proponemos caracterizar estas inferencias como insinuacio-nes, concretamente insinuaciones provocativas, debido a que ninguna respuesta parece efectiva a la hora de bloquearlas. In this paper we analyse utterances that, without explicitly constituting hate speech, nevertheless convey a hateful message. For example, in the headline ‘Iraqi Refugee is convicted in Germany of raping and murdering teenage girl’, the presence of ‘Iraqi refugee’ does not seem arbitrary. To the contrary, it is responsible for inviting a racist inference against Iraqi refugees. We defend that these inferences cannot be described as slurs, ethnic or social terms used as insults, dogwhistles or conversational implicatures. Rather, we propose that these inferences are insinuations, specifically provocative insinuations, as no conversational response seems effective at blocking them.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 205630511876442 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirjam A. Twigt

Worldwide, refugees are increasingly living in uncertainty for undetermined periods of time, waiting for an enduring legal and social solution. In this article, I consider how this experience of waiting is perceived through and influenced by the ubiquity of transnational digital connections, which play a central role in Iraqi refugee households in Jordan. I draw on ethnographic fieldwork conducted among Iraqi refugees in Jordan’s capital Amman to further understand the use of digital technologies in everyday experiences of prolonged displacement. Waiting is an intrinsic affective phenomenon, colored by hope and anxiety. I argue that affective affordances—the potential of different media forms to bring about affects like hope and anxiety—enable Iraqi refugees to reorient themselves to particular places and people. As “no futures” are deemed possible in Jordan or Iraq, digital technologies serve as orientation devices enabling them to imagine futures elsewhere. Through the interplay of media forms, the Iraqi refugees refract their own lives via the experiences of friends and family members who have already traveled onward and who in their perception are able to rebuild a dignified life. Transnational digital connections not only provide a space for hope and optimistic ideas of futures elsewhere but also help to sustain one’s experience of immobility. I argue that using the imagination can be understood as an act of not giving in to structural constraints and might be crucial to making Iraqi refugee life in Jordan bearable.



2021 ◽  
pp. 7-24
Author(s):  
Ken R. Crane

This chapter contains a series of individual and family migration histories that represent common experiences of the violent removal of belonging after the Iraq War, followed by exile and survival in surrounding countries, and finally the momentous decision points about asylum seeking and resettlement in countries outside the Middle East. While each of these individuals’ stories is unique, they illustrate commonalities of the Iraqi refugee experience. The chapter describes how it was only after intense lobbying by refugee advocates, Iraq War veterans, and organizations such as LIST: The Project, that the resettlement door was opened via the Refugee Crisis in Iraq Act. Thus, the first significant waves of Iraqi refugees began to arrive in the US in 2008. A total of 124,159 Iraqi refugees would be resettled in the US between 2008 and 2015. Iraq would be the number-one refugee sending country to the US for four of the next seven years.



Refuge ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Chantal E. Berman

Of some 2.5 million Iraqi citizens internationally displaced in the wake of Operation Iraqi Freedom, less than 100,000 have achieved permanent international resettlement. This paper compares US and EU policies regulating the selection and admission of Iraqi refugees since 2003, focusing on the divergent political priorities and structural considerations underpinning variations in resettlement levels during this time. I argue that US resettlement of Iraqi refugees is primarily an element of foreign policy, defined by strategic objectives in Iraq and the surrounding region, whereas admissions to the EU reflect ongoing intra-European debates surrounding the construction and modification of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). Whereas resettlement to the US increased drastically following a “strategic” reframing of the Iraqi refugee crisis in 2007, failures in the implementation of CEAS’s “standardization” agenda, compounded by enhanced European restrictions on refugee movement, have limited Iraqi admissions to Europe during this time.



1970 ◽  
pp. 36-44
Author(s):  
Rouba Beydoun

The year 2003 was a turning point in the Arab region. The Coalition Forces invaded Iraq causing the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime and the subsequent violence. This has led to a massive influx of refugees throughout the Arab region. Around 4.2 million Iraqis left their homes due to the violence in their country. Some two million have fled to neighboring countries, including Lebanon (UNHCR, 2007). Lebanon is also host to an estimated 400,000 Palestinian refugees who fled Palestine largely as a result of the formation of the Israeli state in 1948 (Shafie, 2007). Aside from Palestinians, Iraqis currently account for the vast majority of refugees in Lebanon (DRC, 2005). The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimates that around 50,000 Iraqi refugees are residing in Lebanon (IRIN, 2007). The Lebanese State is not a signatory to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, thus the vast majority of Iraqis have had to enter the country illegally (IRIN, 2007).



2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur C. Evans
Keyword(s):  


2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibrahim A. Kira ◽  
Linda Lewandowski ◽  
Thom Templin ◽  
Hammad Adnan ◽  
Jamal Mohanesh


2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibrahim A. Kira ◽  
Thom Templin ◽  
Linda Lewandowski ◽  
Hammad Adnan ◽  
Mohanesh Jamal


2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibrahim A. Kira ◽  
Linda Lewandowski ◽  
Vidya Ramsawamy
Keyword(s):  






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