Towards a legitimation of prosperity?

Author(s):  
Andrea Mariuzzo

This chapter deals with the consequences of post-WWII economic development on Italian political identities. The guarantee of economic growth in view of the prosperity of citizens became the main parameter for measuring the effectiveness of policy proposals. In Italy, the main political families presented the themes related to massive increases in production and living standards through the idealization of opposing models. The representations of the Soviet Union and the United States were the points of reference through which different socio-economic concepts surpassed their opponents’ criticism of their attitudes and offered a positive proposal regarding the demand for an assurance of prosperity throughout Italian public opinion. The different fortune of these foreign models of economic and civil development in Italy can be understood through a comparison of the treatment party press and popular magazines reserved for them. In spite of Communist efforts to present the Soviet ‘myth’ as an effective model of egalitarian and participated development, any comparison with the real success of the American way of life was impossible, and even Communists proved to be influenced, though with doubts and critics, by the emerging force of post-war ‘americanisation’

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Jakub Majkowski

This essay will firstly address the extent of Stalin’s achievements in leading the course for domestic policy of the Soviet Union and its contribution towards maintaining the country’s supremacy in the world, for example the rapid post-war recovery of industry and agriculture, and secondly, the foreign policy including ambiguous relations with Communist governments of countries forming the Eastern Bloc, upkeeping frail alliances and growing antagonism towards western powers, especially the United States of America.   The actions and influence of Stalin’s closest associates in the Communist Party and the effect of Soviet propaganda on the society are also reviewed. This investigation will cover the period from 1945 to 1953. Additionally, other factors such as the impact of post-war worldwide economic situation and attitude of the society of Soviet Union will be discussed.    


Author(s):  
Vladimir O. Pechatnov

This chapter analyzes the dynamics of the United States–Soviet Union relations during the Cold War. It describes the evolution of the “strategic codes” on both sides, and how they perceived the nature and prospects of the conflict. The chapter suggests that this relationship can be divided into a number of distinct stages. These include the assessment of the nature and possible prospects of the protracted conflict in 1945–1953, the growing competitiveness of the Soviet Union in the mid-1950s to the late 1960s, the slackening of Soviet economic growth in the late 1970s to the early 1980s, and the economic crisis and economic stagnation of the Soviet Union in the mid-1980s to 1991.


1946 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 456-474
Author(s):  
N. S. Timasheff

On the two victory days, military action on the fronts stopped. But peace did not return, nor does anyone know when it will. Peace is not simply absence of military .ction. It is a state of international relations corresponding to “periods of normalcy” in the internal affairs of a nation. Peace exists, when these relations are dominated by good will, mutual understanding and friendly cooperation.The post-war world longs for peace. But there is no peace because, among the sovereign states, there is one which acts against peace. This is the Soviet Union. Is it, however, certain that the foreign policy of the Soviets is aggressive? Is it not true that, in Moscow, aggressiveness is ascribed to the United States and to the alleged Western bloc headed by it?In March, 1946, Professor E. Tarle, an authoritative spokesman of the Soviet government, placed in opposition “the old imperialistic concept of international relations” practiced by London and Washington and “the Soviet conception which is based on respect for the rights of the peoples and their real independence.”


Author(s):  
Ellen A. Ahlness

Tajikistan has experienced numerous barriers to economic and political development over the past 100 years. Pressured into joining the Soviet Union, which lasted nearly 70 years, Tajikistan sank into a civil war upon achieving its independence. This resulted in numerous deaths, displacement, and infrastructural devastation. Since the conflict, Tajikistan has experienced tremendous economic growth and positive social developments; however, Western media overwhelmingly focuses on isolated incidences of violence and socioeconomic trends that casts Tajikistan in a negative light. This also creates a “horn effect” that frames the Tajik socioeconomic situation as underdeveloped and lacking freedoms. A narrative analysis of stories on Tajikistan from the United States' top 10 news outlets from 1998 to 2018 portrays unrepresentative and paternal pictures of Tajikistan's political, economic, and social developments.


1985 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 329-339
Author(s):  
Peter Anderson

The United States and the Soviet Union have been the subjects of a vast out-pouring of literature during the post-war period. While that literature has generated a number of memorable images, from the two scorpions trapped in a bottle to President Carter as the cowboy who got on his horse and rode off in all directions at once, it has not been so successful in other regards. Most notably, and perhaps inevitably, it has failed to produce any objective, or even consensus, overall view which might provide statesmen and scholars with a reliable guide to the motives and actions of the two super-states. What it has done has been to furnish us with a rich variety of competing perspectives and frameworks from which to choose when trying to understand the workings of the two puzzling giants.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomas Tolvaisas

Following the presentation of the American National Exhibition in Moscow in 1959, nine exhibits organized by the United States Information Agency traveled in the Soviet Union from 1961 to 1967. This article discusses the aims, preparation, content, and reception of these exhibits, which attracted more than five million visitors and provoked diverse reactions. The exhibitions and their guides served as a unique form of communication with Soviet citizens, informing them about U.S. achievements and freedoms and the American way of life. The initiatives offset Soviet Communist propaganda, advanced popular understanding of the United States, and promoted popular goodwill toward Americans. The low-key interactions between the guides and the visitors shed valuable light on the mindset and experiences of ordinary citizens in the USSR, who were a major target audience of these exhibitions, and also, more broadly, on U.S. public diplomacy during the Cold War.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Ariel Davis

Since the end of World War II, the United States has been a leading proponent of liberal internationalism and Western democratic values around the world. Modern historians generally agree that the post-war order, which produced multi-national institutions and promoted democracy, free trade, and peace, was largely shaped by the United States and the other two Allied powers, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union. This paper explains how the Tehran and Yalta Conferences served as early examples of President Franklin Roosevelt’s vision for international cooperation and American global leadership. Specifically, this essay analyzes how Roosevelt used these conferences to unite the other Allied powers in an effort to end World War II and establish the foundations for the liberal international post war order. To demonstrate the significance of these conferences and their role in the development of the liberal post-war order, conference minutes between the leaders of the Allied powers and their respective foreign policy experts are analyzed. Academic writings from military and international historians are also used to evaluate the execution and outcomes of the agreements reached during these conferences.


Author(s):  
Iwan Morgan

This chapter argues that a postNew Deal Keynesian consensus shaped U.S. economic policy from 1945 to 1965 based on an evolving rather than static concept of Keynesianism that eventually exceeded the limits of political agreement. With enactment of the Employment Act of 1946, postwar economic policy entered a period of bipartisan consensus over the use of what could be called “compensatory Keynesianism” to limit cyclical fluctuations in the economy.This entailed running compensatory budget deficits during periods of recession (1949, 1953–54, 1957–58) and combating inflation through tight budgets during periods of prosperity.As economic growth slowed, however, new debate arose over the use of fiscal policy to maximize expansion. This became tied into the Cold War debate over how the United States could keep ahead of the Soviet Union in the post–Sputnik era; though more limited than the “compensatory” consensus, pro-growth ideas had attained political ascendancy by 1960.


1970 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. G. Cerny

EXTRAPARLIAMENTARY OPPOSTION MADE ITS APPEARANCE IN THE midst of the political upheavals of 1968 both as part of a wider phenomenon of social and political life and as the result of a specific combination of factors in certain countries, especially France and the United States. In the wider sense, it resulted from the age-old problem: are established political structures willing (or indeed able) to answer the needs of the larger socio-political communities for whose welfare they have been made responsible? The problems of the technological age—popular participation in governmental processes, the coming of age of the post-war ‘baby boom’ generation, the quality of life in the consumer society, and, perhaps most significantly, the increasing bureaucratization of administration and politics on both sides of the iron curtain—served to stoke the furnaces of scepticism and open rejection of accepted answers. As the year progressed, the collective leadership of the Soviet Union continued to pull back from the de-Stalinization of the Krushchev era, American leaders were assassinated and racial strife continued, hopes for a Middle East settlement faded, and the Vietnam war exploded in the Tet offensive. The atmosphere of hopeful progress which had permeated the early 1960s was shattered for good, and a widespread mood of frustration came to predominate.


1949 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 220-236
Author(s):  
Robert G. Neumann

The term “satellite” clearly indicates a relationship of inequality and dependence between master and “follower” states. It stands to reason, therefore, that dealings with the present satellite states in Eastern Europe cannot be viewed in the same light as relations with completely independent nations, but must be considered special problems within the general field of American-Soviet relations.It is one of the ironies of history that of all the belligerent nations of World War II the civilian-minded United States alone fought the war in almost exclusively military terms, concentrating her efforts on victory in the field of batde and giving scant attention to the post-war constellations. In line with this short-range attitude, the United States supported two principal political concepts with regard to Eastern and South Eastern Europe. She clearly recognized that the Soviet Union had a right to have friendly governments along her frontier, that is, governments which would not permit their countries to become avenues of aggression against the Soviet Union.


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