scholarly journals Suppresion of women in modern society – socio-economic aspects

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dragana Vilić

Along with creating the conditions for progress and emancipation of womenin society, they developed the instruments and methods of preventing theexercise of these conditions. Although it is evident legally equating womenwith men in all spheres of life in modern society there are various forms ofself-suppression of women (psychological, economic, cultural, acceptance ofwomen “without rebellion” of values and rules that are set by men and thelike.). Th e increasing presence of women in the public sphere, their subjugation,discrimination and subordination are moved from private to publicsphere - (in) ability to access public services, employment, wage levels andthe like. Th e causes of this suppression are, usually, in the character of socialrelations - are still rooted in the patriarchal patterns - the imposition of“masculine” principles and rules of everyday life which suppress women fromimportant segments of social relations.

Divercities ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 47-68
Author(s):  
Jamie Kesten ◽  
Tatiana Moreira de Souza

This chapter discusses how residents of the London Borough of Haringey perceive the ethnic and socioeconomic diversity of their local neighbourhood. The positive perceptions of neighbourhood diversity of Haringey residents revolve mainly around the opportunities for new experiences and greater levels of tolerance, understanding, and comfort, and access to more diverse places of consumption. The chapter then assesses the extent to which positive perceptions of diversity translate into meaningful and sustained practice across lines of difference. For the majority of the Haringey residents, relations with their neighbours are ‘pleasantly minimal’, and they choose to visit spaces run or attended by people with similar characteristics. Neighbourhood diversity is a natural part of everyday life for the residents, but this typically only extends as far as the public sphere. In the private sphere, the networks and activities of most residents are far more insular than perhaps their perceptions of diversity would suggest.


Author(s):  
Nihal Kocabay-Sener

Surveillance has become an element of everyday life. Modern society is used to surveillance. It has become inconspicuous. But art makes surveillance apparent. In this chapter, the notion of surveillance art was debated, and surveillance art was evaluated as activist art. In surveillance art, there are artworks created by singular artists or art groups. In this chapter, two groups were analyzed: Surveillance Camera Players and Manifesto for CCTV Filmmakers. The two art groups focused on CCTV. Surveillance Camera Players tried to take attention by playing in front of the CCTV in the public sphere. Surveillance Camera Players created awareness for surveillance cameras that normalized in everyday life. Manifesto for CCTV Filmmakers also invited to make a film via CCTV footage. The manifesto noticed to determine with the act. Consequently, surveillance art creates social awareness, and it is a way to resist surveillance.


2005 ◽  
pp. 45-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivana Spasic

The paper offers an analysis of the interview data collected in the project "Politics and everyday life: Three years later" in terms of three main topics: attitudes to the political sphere, change of social system, and the democratic public sphere. The analysis focuses on ambivalences expressed in the responses which, under the surface of overall disappointment and discontent, may contain preserved results of the previously achieved "social learning" and their positive potentials. The main objective was to examine to what extent the processes of political maturation of citizens, identified in the 2002 study, have continued. After pointing to a number of shifts in people?s views of politics which generally do not contradict the tendencies outlined in 2002 (such as deemotionalization and depersonalization of politics, insistence on efficiency of public officials and on a clearer articulation of positions on the political scene), it is argued that the process of rationalization of political culture has not stopped, but it manifests itself differently in changed circumstances. The republican euphoria of 2002 has been replaced by resignation, with a stronger individualist orientation and a commitment to professional achievement.


Author(s):  
Ute Planert

Like the arts and politics, sexuality, bodies, and the gender order in the Weimar Republic were sites of experimentation in and with modernity. The First World War and the revolution had accelerated the breakthrough of women into arenas such as politics, the public sphere, and professional gainful employment. Big cities provided space for sexual libertinage, in which the transgression of heterosexual norms was possible. A rationalization of sexuality took place, which combined increased freedoms and liberties with attempts at regulation. Sports became an important transmission belt for ideas of discipline, efficiency, and self-optimization. The Weimar welfare state combined the entitlement to live a healthy life with the duty to actively retain the health of one’s body. The latter included considering future generations via eugenicist ideas. A far-reaching consensus on the value of eugenics emerged, yet only under the pressure of the world economic crisis did it materialize in concrete proposals to recalibrate social policy. The final years of the Weimar Republic were marked by a remasculinization of the public sphere and a partial return to more traditional views on gender roles. Overall, gender and gendered bodies, sexuality and human reproduction, were inherent elements of the political conflicts that shaped modern society. At the end of the Weimar Republic, they were more contested than ever.


Author(s):  
Robert A. Cropf

The virtual public sphere does not exist and operate the same everywhere. Every virtual public sphere is different because each country’s economic, social, political, and cultural characteristics and relations are varied. As a result, the impact of information communication technology (ICT) on political and social conditions will also differ from one country to another. According to the German philosopher, Jürgen Habermas (1989,1996), the public sphere is a domain existing outside of the private sphere of family relations, the economic sphere of business and commerce, and the governmental sphere dominated by the state. The public sphere contributes to democracy by serving as a forum for deliberation about politics and civic affairs. According to Habermas, the public sphere is marked by liberal core beliefs such as the freedoms of speech, press, assembly and communication, and “privacy rights, which are needed to ensure society’s autonomy from the state” (Cohen & Arato, 1992, p. 211). Thus, the public sphere is defined as a domain of social relations that exist outside of the roles, duties and constraints established by government, the marketplace, and kinship ties. Habermas’ public sphere is both a historical description and an ideal type. Historically, what Habermas refers to as the bourgeois public sphere emerged from the 18th century Enlightenment in Europe and went into decline in the 19th century. As an ideal type, the public sphere represents an arena, absent class and other social distinctions, in which private citizens can engage in critical, reasoned discourse regarding politics and culture. The remainder of this article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the background of virtual public spheres is discussed by presenting a broad overview of the major literature relating to ICT and democracy as well as distinguishing between virtual and public spheres and e-government. The second section deals with some significant current trends and developments in virtual public spheres. Finally, the third section discusses some future implications for off-line civil society of virtual public spheres.


2019 ◽  
pp. 34-55
Author(s):  
Natasha Behl

Chapter 3 focuses attention on women’s unequal experience of the Indian state through an examination of the debates surrounding the 2012 gang rape. Chapter 3 examines both the progressive political opening and the retrenchment of patriarchal norms following Jyoti Singh’s murder, and argues that this opening and retrenchment are emblematic of the Indian state’s radical promise of equality and its horrific failure to achieve this equality. An analysis of politicians’ responses demonstrates how gendered norms operate to exclude women in the name of inclusion. This analysis highlights the difficulty of eradicating gendered violence through legal reform, demonstrates the unpredictability of the political process, and shows how gendered norms operate in the public sphere to undermine and frustrate progressive change. The chapter outlines the difficulty of turning to the law as a liberatory strategy in a liberal democracy and shifts attention to other spheres of life as potential sources for more egalitarian social relations.


2013 ◽  
Vol 2013 (4) ◽  
pp. 7-16
Author(s):  
Natalia Vashrova

The article describes the features of studying interaction between religion and society in contemporary sociology of religion. In particular, author presents theories, studying the transformation of religion, its adaptation to modern conditions, the emergence of new forms of interaction with political and public. Conducted is the review of Ukrainian sociologists’ elaborations in the interpretation of the religion’s role and place in modern society. The author also focuses on the possibilities of applying the approaches of Western sociology of religion for the conceptualization and the study of religious life in Ukraine.


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