4 Implications for Political Behavior: Addiction, Sex Differences, and Aggression

while the opposite was expected for the latter. Men were expected to exhibit no change. In fact, no systematic change in any variable was observed for any group. Even unsystematic change was minimal. This suggests that the survey instrument is highly reliable, but it does not support the biological hypothesis for political orientations. Attempts to test biological explanations of observed political behavior are reasonable enough given the underdeveloped status of the research. Testing for biological roots of male-female political differences is justified by extant literature. Given this, what inter-pretation should be placed on the negative empirical results just reported? One might conclude that reasonable though the attempt may have been, there is little justification for further work in this field. Indeed, at least by implication, the case for cultural explana-tions of sex differences in politics is strengthened. If negative results can stimulate more imaginative inquiry into cultural explanation, they still serve a very useful purpose, for there is much to be done here. Similarly, though they should not have been deterred by positive findings, persons who seek more equitable status for women through modification of the cultural environment may take heart from this, for it does underscore the likely efficacy of their strategy. There are other implications to this effort. First, it is possible to do actual research about the importance of biological variables in political behavior. The process does not have to be difficult; ques-tions generated by the literature are amenable to straightforward research. One study producing negative results in a single area can-not represent closure across the whole broad question of biology and political behavior. Hopefully this work will stimulate further think-ing on related concepts in the discipline. Finally, it is unlikely that the question of whether there are biological roots to male-female political differences will be regarded as definitively settled at any time in the near future. Perhaps this will encourage measured, re-sponsible research into the matter; it would not do to leave this area of inquiry entirely to chauvinists and polemicists. NOTES

2012 ◽  
pp. 152-220

Author(s):  
Jan Erik Lönnqvist ◽  
Ville-Juhani Ilmarinen

AbstractWe investigated the attitudes of the 11,410 candidates in the Finnish 2017 municipal elections who had responded to a Voting Advice Application. Women candidates were, both in terms of economic and social attitudes, more progressive than men. Building on the gender diagnosticity approach, we used responses to the attitude items to construct a dimensional measure of political genderedness; i.e., a measure of the femininity–masculinity of the individual’s political attitudes. We used this measure to investigate the magnitude of sex differences across parties and the determinants of these differences. Sex differences were larger in parties with more economically right-oriented, socially conservative, well-off, and male candidates. Moreover, these differences were caused by men in these parties being different from other candidates. A similar methodology, in which a continuous measure of genderedness is used to assess sex differences, could be used in other domains of research on political behavior.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan-Erik Lönnqvist ◽  
Ville Juhani Ilmarinen

We investigated the attitudes of the 11410 candidates in the Finnish 2017 municipal elections who had responded to a Voting Advice Application. Women candidates were, both in terms of economic and social attitudes, more progressive than men. Building on the gender diagnosticity approach, we used responses to the attitude items to construct a dimensional measure of political genderedness; i.e., a measure of the femininity-masculinity of the individual’s political attitudes. We used this measure to investigate the magnitude of sex differences across parties and the determinants of these differences. Sex differences were larger in parties with more economically right-oriented, socially conservative, well-off, and male candidates. Moreover, these differences were caused by men in these parties being different from other candidates. A similar methodology, in which a continuous measure of genderedness is used to assess sex differences, could be used in other domains of research on political behavior.


1970 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 629-630 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Schwendiman ◽  
Knud S. Larsen ◽  
Stephen C. Cope

The literature on the relationship of authoritarianism and political behavior is complex. This study investigated the relation of candidate preference during the 1968 presidential election to scores on 4 measures of authoritarianism. A survey was administered to a random sample of 141 male and 141 female undergraduates. Significant differences between Wallace supporters and supporters of other candidates on 3 of the 4 measures indicate that general authoritarianism, in addition to right-wing authoritarianism, is predictive of candidate preference. Sex differences were reported on only one of the 4 assessments, and age correlated inversely with all measures.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin E. Hecht ◽  
Olivia T. Reilly ◽  
Marcela Benítez ◽  
Kimberley A. Phillips ◽  
Sarah Brosnan

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