scholarly journals Using a Continuous Measure of Genderedness to assess Sex Differences in the Attitudes of the Political Elite

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan-Erik Lönnqvist ◽  
Ville Juhani Ilmarinen
Keyword(s):  
Sex Differences ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Social Attitudes ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Continuous Measure ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Dimensional Measure

We investigated the attitudes of the 11410 candidates in the Finnish 2017 municipal elections who had responded to a Voting Advice Application. Women candidates were, both in terms of economic and social attitudes, more progressive than men. Building on the gender diagnosticity approach, we used responses to the attitude items to construct a dimensional measure of political genderedness; i.e., a measure of the femininity-masculinity of the individual’s political attitudes. We used this measure to investigate the magnitude of sex differences across parties and the determinants of these differences. Sex differences were larger in parties with more economically right-oriented, socially conservative, well-off, and male candidates. Moreover, these differences were caused by men in these parties being different from other candidates. A similar methodology, in which a continuous measure of genderedness is used to assess sex differences, could be used in other domains of research on political behavior.

scholarly journals Using a Continuous Measure of Genderedness to Assess Sex Differences in the Attitudes of the Political Elite

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Erik Lönnqvist ◽  
Ville-Juhani Ilmarinen
Keyword(s):  
Sex Differences ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Social Attitudes ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Continuous Measure ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Dimensional Measure

AbstractWe investigated the attitudes of the 11,410 candidates in the Finnish 2017 municipal elections who had responded to a Voting Advice Application. Women candidates were, both in terms of economic and social attitudes, more progressive than men. Building on the gender diagnosticity approach, we used responses to the attitude items to construct a dimensional measure of political genderedness; i.e., a measure of the femininity–masculinity of the individual’s political attitudes. We used this measure to investigate the magnitude of sex differences across parties and the determinants of these differences. Sex differences were larger in parties with more economically right-oriented, socially conservative, well-off, and male candidates. Moreover, these differences were caused by men in these parties being different from other candidates. A similar methodology, in which a continuous measure of genderedness is used to assess sex differences, could be used in other domains of research on political behavior.

The electoral personalization of Italian mayors. A study of 25 years of direct election

2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-290
Author(s):  
Anna Carola Freschi ◽  
Vittorio Mete
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Direct Election

AbstractThis paper presents an analysis of the personalization of the vote in Italian municipal elections in the period 1993–2017. Considering the ability of mayoral candidates to attract more votes than those of the lists that support them, the paper outlines the socio-demographic and political characteristics of the candidates who receive the most personalized votes. Contrary to what one might expect, the most personalized candidates are the losing candidates, not the winning ones. At the same time, the candidates who present themselves as outsiders are more personalized: women; candidates at the head of civic lists; those who lead coalitions positioned at the extremes of the left/right axis; candidates supported by one or two lists. Thus, the paper shows the propensity of the Italian electorate to use the split vote to reward those candidates who present themselves as challengers, rather than the established ones, also in the more pragmatic context of local government elections. Moreover, while it is true that personalization is increasingly more important in the political and electoral context, the ability to create lists of candidates for municipal elections capable of obtaining the broad support of voters seems to count as much, if not more.

Komunikator Politik Berdasarkan Teori Generasi

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirza Shahreza
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Styles ◽  
Generation X ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Media Technology ◽  
The Public ◽  
Generation Theory

At a time when the public interest is disrupted by a policy or regulation made by a power. Then, there will be a reaction from the political elite, educated, and ordinary people. Apparently, we can all play a role as a political communicator when reacting to news about politics that appear in various mass media. This paper will look at the mapping of political communicators based on generation theory. In an era, there will certainly be several layers of society that are distinguished by the age or the age at which they were born. The ever-changing media and technological trends greatly affect each generation in building their mindset and political behavior. Similarly, leadership styles and rulers’ perspective also color every generation. Based on Generation theory, there is the term traditionalist, baby boomers, generation X, Y, Z, and alpha. Everything is primarily related to the behavior, lifestyle, profession, culture that is often associated with the characteristics of those generations. The theory put forward by Strauss and Howe is a very subjective assumption. Based on the theory, the writer will adapt Generasi theory in understanding the political communicator in Indonesia. This paper is a study of literature derived from various scientific readings processed and composed by the author. Understanding the theory of generations can help to identify the characteristics and ways communicators communicate, constructing messages across generations that will generally split the senior (youth) and junior (youth) generation.Keywords: communicator, politics, generation theory, media, technology.

scholarly journals Bad Times and the Political Behavior of Older African-Americans

1994 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 43-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven A. Peterson ◽  
Albert Somit
Keyword(s):  
African Americans ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Life Experiences ◽  
Traumatic Events ◽  
The Political ◽  
Older African Americans ◽  
Unexpected Findings ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
Attitudes And Behavior

This essay explores the effects o f two specific life experiences upon the political attitudes and behavior of older African-Americans as compared with younger African-Americans. The findings that emerge are generally opposite what theory would predict. Poorer health and experiencing traumatic events seem to increase, by direct and indirect routes, the likelihood of African-Americans becoming more active in politics. Possible explanations for the unexpected findings are discussed.

Victims of Political Choice

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-106
Author(s):  
Sobiesław Szybkowski
Keyword(s):  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Political History ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Choice ◽  
History Of ◽  
Teutonic Knights

The political history of the small territory of Dobrzyń Land became much more complex at the beginning of Władysław Jagiełło’s rule (1386–1434). Władysław of Opole pledged part of Dobrzyń Land (the castle of Złotoria, 1391) to the Teutonic Knights. Then in 1392, after a short war against the king of Poland, Władysław of Opole pawned the entirety of Dobrzyń Land to the Teutonic knights. Neither King Władysław Jagiełło nor the Polish political elite recognized the legality of the pledge. However, the rule of the Teutonic Knights in Dobrzyń Land led to the polarization of political attitudes among the local noblemen. A faction of local noble elites, the so-called Teutonic party, accepted the rule of the Order and collaborated eagerly with the temporary rulers of the land. Another faction, the so-called the royal party, did not agree to the rule of the Order and chose to emigrate to territories ruled directly by Władysław Jagiełło. Their domains in Dobrzyń Land were confiscated by the Order. The Polish king in response gave them temporary possessions within the territory of the kingdom. The situation reversed in 1405 when Dobrzyń Land was redeemed by Władysław Jagiełło. As a consequence, the refugees returned and redeemed land confiscated by the Order. Repression in turn by the Polish ruler induced some of the Teutonic party to seek the protection of the Order in Prussia. A few years later, as a result of the Polish-Lithuanian–Teutonic war (1409–1411), Dobrzyń Land was again occupied by the Teutonic Knights. Once more, some of the nobles fled from their homeland to territories unoccupied by the Teutonic Knights, while some of the Teutonic party returned to Dobrzyń Land. In the end, as a result of the Teutonic Knights’s defeat at the Battle of Grunwald (1410) and decisions of the First Peace of Toruń (1411), Dobrzyń Land came again under the long-term rule of Polish kings. That meant the return of refugees from the royal party and again forced the Teutonic Knights’ supporters to go into exile. In the end, some of the latter reconciled with the Polish king and came back to their homeland. Some, however, remained in the Teutonic State, where they were given domains.

Antitotalitarian language in Poland: Some mechanisms of linguistic self-defense

1990 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Wierzbicka
Keyword(s):  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Expressive Language ◽  
Social Reality ◽  
Social Attitudes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Semantic Domain ◽  
Self Defense ◽  
The Social ◽  
Semantic Domains

ABSTRACTThis article explores the concept of political diglossia, a phenomenon arising in totalitarian or semitotalitarian countries, where the language of official propaganda gives rise to its opposite: the unofficial, underground language of antipropaganda. The author studies one semantic domain – the colloquial designations of the political police and security forces in contemporary Poland – and compares them with the official designations. The semantics of the relevant words and expressions is studied in great detail so that the social attitudes encoded in them can be revealed and rigorously compared. To achieve this, the author relies on the natural semantic metalanguage that she has developed over the last two decades, which has already been applied in the study of many other semantic domains, in many different languages. The social and political attitudes encoded in the Polish expressions referring to the security apparatus are discussed against the background of Poland's history. The author shows that language is not only the best “mirror of mind” (Leibniz) and “mirror of culture” and “guide to social reality” (Sapir), but also a mirror of history and politics. (Sociolinguistics, pragmatics, semantics, language of propaganda, expressive language)

The Inclusion Calculation

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Melody E. Valdini
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rational Action ◽  
Leadership Roles ◽  
Political Careers ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Novel Approach ◽  
Large N ◽  
Gender Quota ◽  
Open The Doors

Power-holders and gate-keepers in political parties and governments continue to be primarily men. How are they responding to the increasing numbers of women who are seeking leadership roles in politics? Are they angels who embrace equality and fling open the doors to power? Are they devils who block women at every turn? Are they powerless against the increasing tide of feminism and inadvertently succumbing to the push for power from women? Most likely, these male elites are primarily concerned with maintaining their own power, which drives their reaction to women’s political inclusion. The Inclusion Calculation examines women’s inclusion from the perspective of men in power and offers a novel approach to understanding differences in women’s descriptive representation. The book argues that with declining legitimacy it is valuable for male elites to “strategically feminize,” associating themselves or their party with women, because citizens will interpret the increased presence of women as meaning that the party or government is becoming more honest, cooperative, and democratic. Using a combination of case studies from Latin America, Europe, and Africa, as well as large-N analyses, the book provides evidence that male elites are more likely to increase the number of women candidates on party lists or adopt a gender quota when “feminizing” is advantageous to the political careers of men. Women’s exclusion from government, then, is not a product of their own lack of effort or ability but rather a rational action of men in power to keep their power.

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