The role of ambiguity in child errors

This chapter compares two contrasting approaches to accounting for the verb placement errors in child Swiss German that are described in Schönenberger (2001). The first is a learning model that captures the errors because it both learns from ambiguous input and has a rich hypothesis space of interacting parameters (Gould 2017). The second captures the errors instead by means of a cognitive bias early in development, namely a heuristic for Dependency Length Minimization (DLM) (cf. Futrell et al. 2015). The latter approach is notable in that it (a) does not rely on learning from ambiguous input to capture child errors (cf. Sakas and Fodor 2001), (b) offers a prima facie simpler way of capturing the errors, and (c) is novel in applying DLM to account for child errors. Nevertheless, closer investigation shows that a DLM-based model does not provide a principled account of the children’s developmental trajectory and is clearly not any simpler than the alternative. Further, there is some reason to think more generally that DLM does not play a role in the development of the Swiss German children during the course of Schönenberger’s study. In contrast, an approach based on parameter interaction does provide the desired principled account. This comparison provides support for a non-biased learning model that has parameter interaction and learns from ambiguous input.

The scope of embedded Verb Second in modern Yiddish

Embedded Verb Second (V2) clauses have been analysed as embedded main clauses or in terms of selection. This chapter presents data from both corpora and native speaker judgements showing that Verb Second order in embedded clauses in Yiddish goes well beyond what can be explained by either of the above approaches, with V2 possible and attested in interrogatives as well as declaratives. Adjunction of adverbials to V2 clauses is possible as well, yielding orders with the finite verb in third position (V3). But V3 resulting from lack of verb movement, as is seen in Mainland Scandinavian and (optionally) in Icelandic, is not found.

Rethinking Verb Second and Nominative case assignment

Cimbrian is a German(ic) VO heritage language that does not display the linear V2 restriction: the DP subject can show up before the finite verb together with other constituents, while German-like verb-subject inversion only obtains with clitic pronouns. In recent literature on Cimbrian, pronominal subject inversion has been taken as a traditional argument in favour of mandatory V-to-C movement (assuming a split-C configuration). Building on this assumption, the syntax of the enclitic expletive subject, -da/-ta, (which shows up whenever the DP subject does not raise in the C-domain) makes the Cimbrian data particularly relevant, since it casts light on the correlation between V2 and Nominative case licensing. The stance in this chapter is that Nominative case in Cimbrian is assigned by C—as generally assumed for Germanic V2 languages—but in an idiosyncratic way: (i) it applies within the C domain, i.e. FinP; (ii) expletive -da/-ta absorbs Nominative case and acts as a defective goal with respect to the ‘low’ subject. On the basis of the feature-spreading model in Ouali (2008), the phasal head C in Cimbrian is taken to ‘KEEP’ its relevant ϕ‎- and T-features, to assign Nominative case in [Spec,FinP], and to triggering mandatory V-movement.

Object pronoun fronting and the nature of Verb Second in early English

This chapter examines the nature of the V2 syntax of early English, with an empirical focus on Object Pronoun Fronting. It is claimed that early English, which exhibits both V2 and V3 orders, is similar to a true V2 language like German with respect to XP-fronting: both require one EPP-feature in the CP-domain; and if the presence of an EPP-feature is not motivated by an active interpretive feature, an EPP-feature is inserted and gives rise to Formal Movement (FM). What distinguishes early English from true V2 languages is that in the latter, there cannot be more than one EPP-feature, while in early English, there can be more than one. This difference in the number of EPP-features is related to a difference in verb placement within the CP-domain. Finally, some consequences of this analysis for the diachronic developments in the Middle English period are explored.

Relaxed Verb Second in Classical Portuguese

Based on the quantitative and qualitative study of 11 syntactically parsed texts (485,767 words) from the Tycho Brahe Parsed Corpus of Historical Portuguese, this chapter argues that Classical Portuguese, i.e. the language instantiated in texts written in Portugal by authors born in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, is a V2 language of the kind that Wolfe calls ‘relaxed V2 languages’. These are languages in which V1 and V3 sentences coexist with V2 patterns. To account for the sentential patterns observed and their interpretation, a new cartographic analysis of the left periphery is proposed. The existence of sentences in which quantified objects precede fronted subjects suggests that there are two distinct positions in the CP layer to which preverbal phrases can move. The higher one is the familiar Focus category. It is argued that the lower one is neuter with respect to the topic/focus dichotomy and merely encodes a contrast feature. Other constituents can be adjoined at the higher portion of the left periphery where they are interpreted as topics or frames. The chapter concludes by emphasizing the importance of textually diversified corpora as the basis of historical syntactic studies.

A different perspective on embedded Verb Second

This chapter compares embedded verb movement phenomena in English with embedded Verb Second clauses in German and Swedish. Close examination of the syntactic—but more particularly the semantic and pragmatic—properties of these phenomena reveals striking similarities, and the claim is made that these phenomena exhibit independent illocutionary force in the sense that the perspective holder for the embedded proposition or question is disambiguated—a departure from the claim that embedded verb movement structures are asserted (cf. Julien 2015 and Chapter 11 of this volume). It is proposed, following recent innovations in speech act syntax (Wiltschko and Heim 2016; Woods 2016) that these structures are dependent, as the ‘embedded’ clause contains less structure than full a root clause, yet is still structurally larger than a typical embedded clause. However, they are not selected and are instead in an apposition relation with a (usually covert) nominal complement to the matrix verb.

Frame setters and microvariation of subject-initial Verb Second

The chapter focuses on V3 patterns in West Flemish in which a subject-initial non-inverted V2 clause is preceded by an adverbial adjunct which modifies temporal or modal coordinates of the associated clause, in apparent violation of the V2 constraint. The pattern is not available in many other varieties of Dutch, including Standard Dutch. The chapter summarizes the main distributional and interpretive properties of the initial constituent, focusing on, among other things, the fact that for its interpretation, the initial adjunct cannot be reconstructed to a clause-internal position. On the basis of the distributional and interpretive properties of the initial constituent, it is argued that these V3 patterns are in line with V2 syntax because the initial constituent is extrasentential. The chapter develops the discourse syntax for main clause external constituents and argues that the micro-variation observed can be captured by the hypothesis that there is micro-variation between Standard Dutch and West Flemish in terms of the derivation of subject-initial V2 root clauses.

Objects in the German prefield

From the perspective of language production, this chapter discusses the question of whether to move the subject or the object to the clause-initial position in a German Verb Second clause. A review of experimental investigations of language production shows that speakers of German tend to order arguments in such a way that the most accessible argument comes first, with accessibility defined in terms like animacy (‘animate before inanimate’) and discourse status (e.g. ‘given before new’). Speakers of German thus obey the same ordering principles that have been found to be at work in English and other languages. Despite the relative free word order of German, speakers rarely produce sentences with object-before-subject word order in experimental investigations. Instead, they behave like speakers of English and mostly use passivization in order to bring the underlying object argument in front of the underlying subject argument when the object is more accessible than the subject. Corpus data, however, show that object-initial clauses are not so infrequent after all. The second part of the chapter, therefore, discusses new findings concerning the discourse conditions that favour the production of object-initial clauses. These findings indicate, among other things, that the clausal position of an object is affected not only by its referent’s discourse status but also by its referential form. Objects occur in clause-initial position most frequently when referring to a given referent in the form of a demonstrative pronoun or NP.

Verb Second and the Left Edge Filling Trigger

This chapter is an inquiry into the subcomponent of the Extended Projection Principle (EPP) that is relevant for second position phenomena: the Left Edge Filling Trigger (LEFT). LEFT basically amounts to a classical morphological obligatory exponence effect, except that it is instantiated at the sentence level. It cross-linguistically operates in a post-syntactic realizational morphological module. It is shown that LEFT is an active rule of Universal Grammar, providing empirical arguments from Breton, a Celtic VSO language showing an extra conspicuous V2 requirement. A radical reanalysis of language word order typology is proposed. Classic V2 languages are conspicuously V2. SVO is a subtype. So-called V1 languages are either predicate-fronting languages (Tense second), or inconspicuously V2. A cross-linguistic typology of LEFT effects is presented, with great attention paid to inconspicuous satisfiers, among them null expletives, for which evidence is presented. The chapter argues accordingly for a drastic extension of the typology of expletives.

Rethinking auxiliary doubling in adult and child language

This chapter examines a well-known ‘error’ in the production of English-acquiring children, namely auxiliary-doubling in questions. A new account for these structures is proposed, whereby children analyse auxiliaries as carrying multiple features, most prominently [tense] and [assertion], and may ‘unbundle’ these features onto two separately expressed auxiliaries. This allows children to ask complex non-neutral questions for which they lack adult grammatical strategies such as cleft constructions. This proposal feeds into broader questions about how illocutionary acts are constructed in English and related languages such as German; it is claimed that the insertion, via Merge or Move, of a tensed element in C is key to linking a proposition directly to a discourse context. Crucially, it is shown that the acquisition path is guided by the syntax-discourse interface and that careful consideration of acquisition data can shed light on fundamental theoretical issues.