The United Kingdom

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. C. Sharman
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Development Aid ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
British Government ◽  
Normative Commitment ◽  
Policy Effectiveness ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Asset Recovery ◽  
International Corruption

This chapter examines the experiences of the United Kingdom in hosting, tracing, and returning the proceeds of grand corruption from abroad. Public top-level political commitment to the anti-kleptocracy norm has translated into only very partial policy effectiveness. The British government then took a close interest in the issue of asset recovery subsequently at home and in multilateral settings. It instituted a program that may serve as something of a model for other countries to follow, whereby development aid money is used to track down looted assets in London. The chapter explains that a sincere normative commitment by successive prime ministers to development-related campaigns against international corruption has led to important and innovative policies to track foreign kleptocrats' wealth in Britain.

scholarly journals The Constitution of the United Kingdom

1999 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodney Brazier
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
British Government ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Scottish Parliament ◽  
Unitary State ◽  
Legal Effect ◽  
History Of ◽  
Similarities And Differences

BEFORE the dawn of the millennium new legislative and executive authorities will have been established in Edinburgh, Cardiff and (subject to further political and other progress) in Belfast. This article analyses the nature of these constitutional initiatives, and examines their place in the unitary state which is the United Kingdom. It begins by tracing the history of constitutional union between England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. The legal effect of the 1998 devolution statutes is examined, in particular on the legal sovereignty of the United Kingdom Parliament. A triple constitutional and legal lock exists in the Scotland Act 1998 to ensure that the devolution settlement is the final step away from the pure unitary state which has enfolded Scotland in Great Britain. The nature and likely success of that lock are analysed in some detail. The lawmaking powers of the Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Assembly, and the Northern Ireland Assembly are assessed. The similarities and differences between each of the three devolved governments and the British Government are highlighted, and consequences and possible lessons for future government-making at Westminster are drawn. The article concludes with a peer into the possible constitutional futures for the United Kingdom.

Canadian Perspectives on Chattel Security Law Reform in the United Kingdom

1995 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 430-446
Author(s):  
Jacob S. Ziegel
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Law Reform ◽  
Memorial Lecture ◽  
British Government ◽  
Queen Mary College ◽  
Commercial Law ◽  
England And Wales ◽  
The Road ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Commercial Code

BRITISH commercial law scholars, of whom Prof. Roy Goode and Prof. Aubrey Diamond are two conspicuous examples, have long been attracted to the possibility of using Article 9 of the American Uniform Commercial Code as a basis for modernising and restructuring the English law of chattel security. As readers of Part V of the Crowther Report1 will know, this was the road to reform which the Crowther Committee recommended to the British government as long ago as 1971. In the course of his eighth Crowther Memorial Lecture, given at Queen Mary College in 1983,2 Prof. Goode expressed the hope that before the end of the decade England and Wales would enact the recommendations in the Crowther Report. We know now that he was too sanguine but our hopes were revived when Prof. Diamond submitted his lucid, and in the view of this writer and many others, highly persuasive recommendations to the Department of Trade and Industry in 1989.3

Presidentialization and the politics of coalition: lessons from Germany and Britain

2015 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 249-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Poguntke ◽  
Paul Webb
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Prima Facie ◽  
Grand Coalition ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
History Of

IntroduzioneIn this article, we seek to re-consider the ‘presidentialization of politics’ argument in the light of recent developments in Germany and the United Kingdom. The experiences of coalition government suggest prima facie grounds for the erosion of the presidentialization process in each country. Germany has operated with a Grand Coalition in which domination of the executive by the Chancellor would seem less likely, whereas the long history of single-party governments in the United Kingdom gave way to a rare experiment in coalitional power sharing between 2010 and 2015, circumstances which should limit prime ministerial power. However, it is our contention that the presidentialization thesis retains its purchase in these two countries. German Chancellors and British prime ministers have been increasingly able to mobilize power resources, which allow them to govern more independently of their own parties and their coalition partners, and this seems to hold across a variety of political circumstances.

International Court of Justice

1948 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-118
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Security Council ◽  
British Government ◽  
International Court Of Justice ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
International Court

Corfu Channel Case: Following the resolution of the Security Council on April 9, 1947, recommending that the United Kingdom and the Albanian governments should immediately refer the Corfu Channel question to the International Court of Justice, the United Kingdom on May 22, 1947, filed an application with the Registry of the Court instituting proceedings against Albania. By a reply dated July 21, filed July 23, 1947, Albania accepted the jurisdiction of the Court, protesting against the unilateral act of the British government in its application. On December 9, 1947, the Albanian government filed a document entitled “Preliminary Objection”.

PLAIN ENGLISH in the United Kingdom

English Today ◽  
1986 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chrissie Maher ◽  
Martin Cutts ◽  
James T Dayananda
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
British Government ◽  
Knee Jerk ◽  
The Public ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Read Well

Today it is difficult to find a truly atrocious British government form being issued to the public. OUT are the acres of grey small print, the 60-word sentences, the endless use of that bureaucratic knee jerk, the passive verb. IN are forms that look good, read well, and even save money through their greater efficiency.

scholarly journals The practice of accountability in questioning prime ministers: Comparative evidence from Australia, Canada, Ireland, and the United Kingdom

2021 ◽  
pp. 136914812110585
Author(s):  
Ruxandra Serban
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Text Analysis ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
The United Kingdom

This paper compares the practice of holding prime ministers to account in four case studies: Australia, Canada, Ireland, and the United Kingdom. Using text analysis, as well as research on prime ministerial responsibilities, it investigates oral questions asked in parliamentary procedures where prime ministers are questioned together with ministers (Question Period in Canada and Question Time in Australia) versus procedures where they are questioned individually (PMQs in the United Kingdom and Oral Questions to the Taoiseach in Ireland), and explores the degree to which they are questioned for matters that are within their remit. It argues that the practice of prime ministerial accountability is decisively shaped by procedural features such as whether written notice is required for questions, as well as by the broader role of the questioning mechanism in the political system, and less by the collective or individualised nature of questioning.

The United Kingdom

2021 ◽  
pp. 33-45
Author(s):  
Patrick Weller ◽  
Dennis C. Grube ◽  
R. A. W. Rhodes
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
The Way

This chapter examines the traditions that underpin government in the United Kingdom, with its traditional stress on strong prime ministers dominating their cabinets which control the parliament. Some of these traditions may be myths, but they still create expectations about the way that cabinet government should work. The chapter examines the relations between prime ministers and their ministers. It then uses some of the defining insights from Walter Bagehot’s famous work, The English Constitution, as a lens to understand how this unwritten constitution works. It considers the selection of ministers, the confidentiality of proceedings, and the lack of transparency of cabinet practices.

Blocking Extraterritorial Jurisdiction: The British Protection of Trading Interests Act, 1980

1981 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. V. Lowe
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Significant Shift ◽  
British Government ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
General Terms ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
British Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Extraterritorial Jurisdiction

The Protection of Trading Interests Act, passed by the United Kingdom Parliament on March 20, 1980, is one of the most remarkable pieces of legislation to emerge in recent years from that body. It effects a significant shift in British policy relating to the control of international restrictive practices, and is of considerable interest to international lawyers. The aim of the Government in introducing the measure was, in the words of the Secretary of State for Trade, “to reassert and reinforce the defences of the United Kingdom against attempts by other countries to enforce their economic and commercial policies unilaterally on us.” This aim is secured, in general terms, by a combination of three measures. Firstly, an extension of the power of the British Government to forbid compliance by British citizens and businesses with orders of foreign authorities, where those orders have extraterritorial effect and prejudice British trading interests. Secondly, a prohibition on the enforcement by United Kingdom courts of foreign judgments involving the award of multiple damages and of certain other judgments touching upon the control of restrictive practices. Thirdly, the establishment of a right for British citizens or businesses against whom foreign courts have awarded multiple damages to recover the noncompensatory element from the original plaintiff by an action in a United Kingdom court.

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