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2022 ◽  
pp. 226-239

The Grondona system was sufficiently well-known during the 1950s to be the subject of debate in the British Parliament in 1958, when it was vigorously praised by supporters, as well as in the press. Examples of this support are given in this chapter, which show how those who took the time to study the Grondona system recognized its unique strengths and strongly recommended its adoption by government. Unfortunately, when the British government finally set up a committee in 1976 to consider the problem of commodity price instability, it was chaired by a long-term advocate of the international buffer-stock system advocated by UNCTAD. As Grondona predicted, the result was that the committee's report contained no substantive criticism of his system but merely reiterated the government's existing policy of continuing participation in UNCTAD negotiations – to no effect nearly half a century later.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (II) ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Athar Rashid

Formal visits to friendly regions have grown in popularity worldwide in recent years. Heads of state addresses are analysed from a unique perspective. Positive discourse analysis of speeches by international leaders has garnered attention, particularly in Pakistan, following Turkey's president's four visits to the country over the last decade. For the fourth time, he was given the opportunity to address the joint session of parliament. Since their independence, Turkey and Pakistan have had a friendly relationship, and even before that, the people of the region fought to defend the Ottoman Empire during World War II. The people of the subcontinent were active participants in the process, pleading with the British government to maintain the Khilafat system. Very little research has been conducted on presidential speeches, particularly those delivered by Turkish leaders. As a result, the focus of this research paper is on President Erdogan's speeches to the Pakistani Parliament, delivered on November 17, 2016, and February 14, 2020. This study employs a corpus-assisted positive discourse analysis approach in which the concordance patterns obtained from the corpora have been explained in the light of positive discourse analysis. The findings of the study indicate that President Erdogan's speeches are brimming with optimistic language. He tries to establish a brotherly bond with his listeners through mutual equality, respect, love, and strategic collaboration. He seems to be convinced that it is necessary to emphasize the Islamic bond that exists between the two brotherly states. The current paper is noteworthy because it applies positive discourse analysis to Turkish leaders' speeches, broadening its application scope and enriching the research content of positive discourse analysis through a corpus-informed approach.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Hannah Weiss Muller

Abstract Although anti-Catholicism and anti-Jacobinism primed many Britons to fear what one observer called “the hordes of vagabond French” who reached their shores in the fall of 1792, others launched widespread relief efforts. Among the more remarkable was the Wilmot Committee. This subscription charity convened in September 1792, channeling donations from the public to destitute French priests at a time when the British government remained hesitant to directly aid refugees from revolutionary France. This article situates the committee's particular structures in both their eighteenth-century philanthropic contexts and Britain's history of aid to foreign refugees. It then traces interconnections between charitable giving and wartime exigencies, arguing that the Wilmot Committee, which managed relief efforts first to clergy and then also to laity throughout the subsequent war years in an evolving partnership with government, played a crucial role in shaping and shifting attitudes toward foreigners during an era of ideological revolution. Ultimately, the committee worked alongside legislation like the Aliens and Emigrant Corps Acts to underline that foreigners of different religious persuasions—provided their loyalties were confirmed, their principles appropriate, and their backgrounds appealing—might be mobilized to strengthen national interests. By the 1790s, shared opposition to revolutionary republican ideology came to supersede shared Protestantism in predicting foreigners’ utility to Britain.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-103
Author(s):  
Sajjad Akhter ◽  
Basit Nadeem

Punjab was the last province which annexed with British India in 1949.British implemented many reforms in sub-continent, but Canal Colonies were excellent irrigation system introduced by the British, especially in the south west part of the Punjab province. These canal colonies proved very useful for the agriculture sector which boost up the not only the economic condition of the native people of the colonies areas but also increase revenue collection of the British government in India. Canal Colonies changed the arid/ barren land of the southern district of the province into a fertile land. British government also achieved their objectives through canal colonies. Therefore, government allotted the land of the canal colonies in different categories and rewarded some specific classes in native communities of the canal colonies. In canal colonies government reserved huge piece of land for their military objective because Indian Military was necessary for the strong law and order in British India and their strong influence in Middle East and other parts of the world. These canal colonies bring an agriculture revolution in the  province which change the socio-economic condition of the people of the native districts. In Multan three major canal colonies were introduced, Sidhnai, Lower Bari Doab and Nili Bar canal colony. In these canal colonies British government also implemented same polices like the previous canal colonies of the province. Therefore, the in Multan district landed elites were loyal and cooperative with government with their wealth and men. These landed elites played important role at political canvas of the province during British rule in Multan.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Salmon

Herbert Butterfield (1900–1979) was one of the earliest and strongest critics of what he saw as the British government’s attempts to control the past through the writing of so-called, ‘official histories’. His famous diatribe against the ‘pitfalls’ of official history first appeared in 1949, at a time when the British government was engaged in publishing official histories and diplomatic documents on an unprecedented scale following the Second World War. But why was Butterfield so hostile to official history, and why do his views still matter today? Written by one of the few historians employed by the British government today, this important new book details how successive governments have applied a selective approach to the past in order to tell or re-tell Britain’s national history, with implications for the future. Providing a unique overview of the main trends of official history in Britain since the Second World War, the book details how Butterfield came to suspect that the British government was trying to suppress vital documents revealing the Duke of Windsor’s dealings with Nazi Germany. This seemed to confirm his long-held belief that all governments would seek to manipulate history if they could, and conceal the truth if they could not. At the beginning of the 21st century, official history is still being written and the book concludes with an insider’s perspective on the many issues it faces today– on freedom of information, social media and reengaging with our nation’s colonial legacy. Governments have recently been given many reminders that history matters, and it is Herbert Butterfield above all who reminds us that we must remain vigilant in monitoring how they respond to the challenge.


2021 ◽  
pp. 68-87
Author(s):  
William A. Robson
Keyword(s):  

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 349-370
Author(s):  
Magdalena Pypeć

Abstract The article examines Dickens’s last novel in the context of British imperialism, contraband opium trade in nineteenth-century China under the armed protection of the British government, and the Opium Wars (1839–1842 and 1856–1860). Although Dickens has often been discussed as one of the authors who approved of his country’s imperial domination, his last novel foregrounds a critique of colonial practices. The atavistic character of imperialism takes its moral and psychological toll not merely somewhere in the dominions, colonies, protectorates, and other territories but also ‘at home’ on the domestic ground. In The Mystery of Edwin Drood London has the face of a dingy and dark opium den or the ominous headquarters of the Heaven of Philanthropy with the professing philanthropists in suits of black. Moreover, the article seeks to discuss deep-rooted evil and darkness associated in the novel with an ecclesiastical town in connection with Protestant missionaries’ close collaboration with opium traders in the Celestial Empire. Portraying John Jasper’s moral degradation enhanced by the drug and the corruption of the ecclesiastical town, Dickens gothicises opium, and by implication, opium trade pointing to its double-edged sword effect: sullying and debasing both the addict and the trafficker. The symbolic darkness of the opium den and the churchly Cloisterham reflects the inherent evil latent in any unbridled colonial expansion and Dickens’s anti-colonial purpose.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147524092110592
Author(s):  
Sarah Pearce

With their central position in society as facilitators of information, schools and teachers play a key role in the articulation and embedding of government-driven policy targeted at school-age children; under the British government, this key role extends beyond the borders, to British Schools Overseas. In the last decade, this has been especially prevalent in the dissemination of anti-terrorism rhetoric and policy, created to prevent the radicalisation of students; most recently, this has involved the inclusion of ‘fundamental British values’ (FBV) in policy and curriculum. Using the work of Basil Bernstein and, in particular, the model of transmission context which sits within his theories on pedagogic discourse, this paper analyses the discourse embedded in multiple FBV policies. Through a focus on classification and framing of the discourses embedded in the policies, this paper highlights the transmission of power in these policies, with a focus on language used to convey this power; and conveys an understanding of the positioning, role and ‘responsibilisation’ of British schools, located outside of the United Kingdom, as central to FBV education as well as the solution to terrorism in Britain.


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