The Tory Right and the American Conservative Movement

Author(s):  
Grant Havers

This chapter examines the distinctions between the Tory tradition and what now passes for American conservatism. In the post-World War II era, many prominent voices of the American conservative movement portrayed their cause as a noble continuation of the traditional English conservatism that such worthies as Edmund Burke and Benjamin Disraeli defended in an earlier era. The chapter maintains that these claims are unfounded. By focusing on self-described Tory traditionalist writers such as George Grant, one can locate a wide gap between the neoconservative valorization of capitalist democracy and the inveterate conservative suspicion of what contemporary American conservatives are taught to venerate. Unlike traditional Tories, the advocates of “democratic capitalism,” wherever they are present, represent globalization, not a conservative defense of particularity and organic social relations.

Author(s):  
Michelle M. Nickerson

This chapter documents the formation of conservative activist culture in Los Angeles after World War II. It outlines the historic recipe of political, economic, religious, and ethnic factors that made conservatism so powerful in metropolitan Los Angeles, and then examines the formation of conservative female political culture and consciousness. The grassroots right, already in formation at the beginning of the decade, actively contributed to the beliefs, practices, and institutions that would, by 1960, become known as the “conservative movement.” American conservatism was produced through discourse—political rituals, rhetoric, and performances—before it became a movement with a recognizable name. The activist right toiled locally, not only by concentrating their energy in metropolitan venues, but by generating and continually emphasizing ideals about local community decision-making in an age of government centralization at the federal level.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Y. Okamura

This chapter situates the Fukunaga case in the racial setting of Hawai‘i during the 1920s, when the anti-Japanese movement peaked before World War II. It begins by discussing Haole political and economic power, which resulted from Haole’s enforcing race as the dominant organizing principle of social relations. Also outlined is the anti-Japanese movement, which sought to subordinate Japanese Americans because they were considered the most dangerous threat to Haole domination. The chapter discusses previous racial injustices against Japanese and Filipino labor leaders in the 1920s who had upset the racial hierarchy by organizing plantation strikes. It concludes that the racial setting was demarcated by an uneven racial divide between Haoles and non-Haoles because Native Hawaiians had much greater political access than most of the latter.


1962 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald C. Bryant

In his essay on “The Reputation of Edmund Burke” Thomas W. Copeland offers a timely analysis of the context and climate of contemporary Burke studies. His remarks suggest also the acceleration in pace of those studies. Current publication relevant to Burke has been noticed for the past four years in the Burke Newsletter. Reporting and reviewing new publication on or near Burke, retailing schemes and dreams and work in progress, and purveying personal news and opinion of students of Burke, the Burke Newsletter resembles in scope the Johnsonian Newsletter, edited by James L. Clifford and John H. Middendorf at Columbia University, which, of course, has for some time kept its readers up to date on the bibliography of the age of Burke and Johnson.Copeland's essay, furthermore, is sufficient counterweight to another recent critical appraisal professedly directed to something of the same purpose – W. T. Laprade's impatient, hostile excursion through a century or more of writing on Burke. Without attempting the detail of the Newsletter, therefore, and without retreading Copeland's ground, the present survey undertakes to provide an account of significant trends and characteristic contributions in Burke studies for roughly the period since World War II. That span of years covers the time, or a little more, that the main body of Burke's papers has been generally open for study. It also includes the time when ideological and socio-political patterns have stimulated resort to the familiar past for spokesmen and scapegoats with whom to undergird and extenuate contemporary controversy.


Author(s):  
Andrea Mariuzzo

The struggle in projects, ideas and symbols between the strongest Communist Party in the West and an anti-Communist and pro-Western government coalition was the most peculiar founding element of the Italian democratic political system after World War II. Until now, most historians have focused their attention on political parties as the only players in the competition for the making of political orientations and civic identities in Italian public opinion. Others have considered Italian political struggle in the 1940s and 1950s in terms of the polarisation between Communism and organized Catholicism, due to the undoubted importance of the Church in Italian culture and social relations. This book enlarges the view, looking at new aspects and players of the anti-Communist ‘front’. It takes into account the role of cultural associations, newspapers and the popular press in the selection and diffusion of critical judgements and images of Communism, highlighting a dimension that explains the force of anti-communist opinions in Italy after 1989 and the crisis of traditional parties. The author also places the case of Italian Cold War anti-Communism in an international context for the first time.


2001 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
pp. 775-805 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Soffer

The National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) played an important role in the emerging conservative movement in the United States, both before and after World War II, but its contribution to the increasing militarism of that movement has received little scrutiny. Between 1958 and 1975, a combination of organizational changes peculiar to NAM and political pressures from both the right and the left led NAM to adopt and maintain a militaristic posture. In the late 1950s, a decline in the organization's membership resulted in a take over by larger corporations, which purged the board of its ultraconservative leadership. The reorganized board established a National Defense Committee (NDC) in order to promote defense industry membership and, by 1962, had selected a new permanent president, Werner Gullander. Under Gullander, the NDC moved NAM in the direction of support for defense expansion during the early 1960s.


2008 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Massolin

Social science and science grew significantly in Canadian universities during and after World War II. This growth, along with a growth in consumerism and mass culture, signalled the decline of the centrality of the humanities in the curricula of Canadian universities and the rise of the technological society. Harold Innis, Marshall McLuhan, and George Grant were leading critics of this trend. Their criticism was shaped by the home front experience of Canada during World War II and the economic boom which followed the war. Although not linked through friendships, professional collaboration, or common academic disciplines, their thoughts and criticisms of technology and mass culture were shaped in a context which they shared.


2020 ◽  
pp. 122-133
Author(s):  
Boyd D. Cathey

This chapter assesses Southern conservatism, its history, and its relationship to the American conservative movement. It particularly looks at the fate of Southern regionalists within a now-transformed American conservative movement. The chapter considers the deliberate removal of the Southern traditionalists from this establishment, a process that was greatly accelerated once the neoconservatives became a force to be reckoned with. This displacement represented a major reorientation of the conservative movement, given that Southern Agrarians and, more generally, Southern traditionalists had been significant cultural and social critics in the post-World War II Right. The loss of a Southern conservative presence was so total that any memory of this influence has been shoved down a memory hole and/or bleached out of authorized histories of the conservative movement.


Author(s):  
Gillis J. Harp

Chapter 6 examines the modern conservative movement and how the alliance of secular political elements with previously apolitical evangelicals slowly took shape during the thirty years following World War II. Richard Weaver’s Ideas Have Consequences (1948) served to provide some of the conservative movement’s essential historical and philosophical scaffolding, while Carl F. Henry’s Uneasy Conscience of Modern Fundamentalism (1947) encouraged evangelical political engagement. Oil tycoon and committed Presbyterian J. Howard Pew played a key role in galvanizing evangelicals by subsidizing Christianity Today and then linking them with political conservatives, being himself a former Liberty Leaguer and a fervent anticommunist. The presidential campaign of Barry Goldwater in 1964 stimulated evangelical political action and helped secure the essential union of more secular and openly religious conservatives. The Supreme Court’s controversial Roe v. Wade abortion decision in 1973 served to bolster this alliance by providing a moral issue that allowed some convergence and collaboration.


Author(s):  
Marlene Barbosa De Freitas Reis ◽  
Daniela Da Costa Britto Pereira Lima ◽  
Mônica Desiderio

O texto apresenta reflexões teóricas sobre a relação entre desenvolvimento, educação, sustentabilidade e o redimensionamento dos conceitos decorrentes das transformações ocorridas após a segunda guerra mundial, das quais modificaram o modo de pensamento em relação ao desenvolvimento e, por conseguinte, o modelo de crescimento econômico. Estes novos paradigmas incitaram mudanças em todos os campos da sociedade: econômico, político, social, ambiental e, principalmente, educacional. Finaliza-se as reflexões concluindo que é necessária a articulação entre meio ambiente, relações sociais, educação e desenvolvimento, reconhecendo a interdependência entre os seres e da complexa teia de relações entre eles. Requer pensar uma educação ancorada “na” e “para” a sustentabilidade. This paper presents theoretical reflections on the relationship between development, education, sustainability and resizing the concepts arising from transformations that occurred after World War II, which changed, substantially the mode of development and the economic growth model. These new paradigms urged changes in all fields of society: economic, political, social, environmental, and especially education. Ends up the reflections concluding that it is necessary the articulation between the environment, social relations, education and development, recognizing the interdependence between human beings and complex web of relationships between them. Requires thinking a docked education "in" and "to" sustainability. Este artículo presenta reflexiones teóricas sobre la relación entre el desarrollo, la educación, la sostenibilidad y el cambio de tamaño de los conceptos derivados de los cambios que se produjeron después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, que cambió sustancialmente la forma de pensar en relación con el desarrollo. Estos nuevos paradigmas instaron a los cambios en todos los ámbitos de la sociedad: económicos, políticos, sociales, ambientales y de educación especial. Termina las reflexiones que concluyen que es necesario la articulación entre el medio ambiente, las relaciones sociales, la educación y el desarrollo, reconociendo la interdependencia entre los seres humanos y la compleja red de relaciones entre ellos. Requiere pensar una educación atracado "en" y "para" la sostenibilidad.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-109
Author(s):  
Marta Hold

World War II and its political consequences resulted in a demographic shift in Lower Silesia. It took place to an extent never before seen in any part of Europe. Due to international decisions concerning the changes of its borders, Lower Silesia was once again integrated with Poland. At the same time the German inhabitants living in the region were obliged to leave. Polish people replaced them coming from other parts of Poland as well as from former Polish territories which had been incorporated by the Soviet Union. The immigrants were influenced by the cultures of the places of their origin. They differed in almost every field of everyday life, so in their new towns they met people with various integrating capabilities, contrasting points of view, political preferences and attitudes.That phenomenon was understood as a coexistence of the representatives of at least two different cultures whose members perceive the differences between them. Prevalence of so many distinct cultures in one area and the influences they had on each other led to the creation of specific cultural and social relations among the groups and their members. The situation obliged the settlers to overcome their particular attitudes and competences to live and communicate with new neighbours. Significant historical processes had influenced in a noticeable way the lives of people from every single town and village in Lower Silesia. One example of the place chosen by the immigrants to Lower Silesia is Dobroszyce. The incoming people created from the very beginning a society which was supposed to live in multicultural reality.


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