Resisting the Great Recession: Social movement unionism in Croatia and Serbia

Addressing the debate regarding the impact of the Great Recession on changing union strategies in post-socialist Europe, our analysis shows that in Croatia and Serbia the crisis, while depressing strike numbers, was nevertheless met with substantial union resistance. Developing a paired comparison and relying on protest event data for the period 2000–2017, we argue that the differences among the two countries’ respective varieties of capitalism drive divergent union strategies described as social movement unionism. In Serbia, the role of unions in protests articulating workers’ demands remained more central and unions were overall more present in the protest arena, while in Croatia, unions have exhibited stronger propensity to forge alliances and adopt innovative policy strategies. While taking on board scholarship that portrays social movement unionism as signalling union weakness, we argue that strategies which increase union mobilization capacity may also be understood as increasing union resilience in changing social circumstances.

Diverse and Contra-Sectional Subjectivities in Social Movement Unionism: A Study of Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha (Mazdoor Karyakarta Samiti)

Social movement unionism is one of the experiments of bringing together different issues and struggles associated with workers. The idea has been critiqued by different scholars because of different confrontations associated with issues and strategies. The paper argues that such discomfort arises from a monolithic understanding of social movements and their subjects. Assumption of ideological uniformity restricts analysis of the confronting nature of subjects and subjectivities as well as factions and fragmentation of movements. Here, the attempt is to understand diversity in movements through ‘contra-sectionality’. The ethnography for research was conducted on a movement named Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha (Mazdoor Karyakarta Samiti) in Chhattisgarh. Through a contra-sectional analysis, the article reflects on fragmented consciousness and its implication for the movement.

“Working Women Unite”: Exploring a Socialist Feminist, Nonhierarchical Teachers Union

In this paper, we present and explore the case of the Teaching Support Staff Union (TSSU), an independent, directly democratic, and feminist labor union at Simon Fraser University in British Columbia, Canada. Operating continuously since the 1970s, we argue that TSSU is an important example of the ways in which gender and class have intersected within the history of the Canadian labor movement, and a fascinating case of a longstanding socialist feminist union. We also argue that alongside the historical relevance, exploring the constraints and possibilities of a feminist nonhierarchical organizational structure can offer important lessons for organizing in the twenty-first century. Adopting a socialist feminist framework, we speak from our experiences serving as TSSU executives, as graduate students, and as teachers within the larger academic machine. Marking its fortieth year in 2018, this active, young, and angry labor union can provide the labor movement and academics with a case study to reflect on how we can conceptualize social movement unionism; organize around and toward equity, diversity, and justice; and maintain a deep commitment to both feminist and class struggle.

Professionals on the road to contention: Social movement unionism in healthcare labour disputes across Europe

The recent upsurge in healthcare labour disputes across Europe signals a shift in the attitude of public service professionals towards contentious politics. However, the analysis of these events so far has neglected the specific dilemmas of contention among professionals. To fill this gap, the article builds on social movements theory and claims that to achieve success, professional organizations need to adjust the protest tactics of the labour movement along the three dimensions of targeting, framing and coordination. As an alternative to mass strikes, the targeted use of the protest repertoire minimizes the costs and maximizes the visibility of collective action. Framing around service quality links wage demands to wider justification themes that resonate with the public. Coordination across groups with different skill levels strengthens the effect of both targeting and framing. A comparative study of four healthcare campaigns in four countries (Denmark, Estonia, Hungary, Ireland) confirms the key role that these dimensions play.

Misfit medicine and queer geographies: The diverse economy and politics of cannabis in carceral Los Angeles

Fundamentally shaped by queer and trans activism and labor, Los Angeles’ cannabis markets offer an opportunity to understand how “diverse economies,” as defined by Gibson-Graham, are dynamic, contingent political projects that require contending with power and difference. With data from nearly four years of ethnographic observation and 70-plus interviews, I analyze how numerous Black, Latinx, Native, and Asian and Pacific Islander queer women and transgender economic actors in cannabis have developed labor relations, collective institutional forms, and reciprocal exchange to make cannabis dispensaries a space of care and solidarity. Starting with AIDS crisis-era medical marijuana activism, queer economic actors have built affective relations at the scale of the body with patients, owners, and each other in ways that transcend profit imperatives and bridge across difference. More recently, in the face of economic exclusion and the pervasive gendered division of intimate labor, queer and trans workers of color have turned to the body as a scaffolding for collective action across scales. Drawing from resurgent social movement unionism in the region, they have led intersectional campaigns to protect more-than-capitalist elements of the industry and challenge the carceral state’s drug war. Bridging feminist economic and political geography allows insight to the spatially and temporally contingent nature of diverse, queer economies and their embedding in broader relations of racial, carceral, and homonormative capitalism. At the same time, such an approach centering the active politics of diverse economies surfaces the potentialities for multi-scalar movements to develop and sustain alternatives to capitalism.

Social Movement Unionism as Union-Civil Alliances: A Democratizing Force? The New Zealand Case

This exploratory study examines union-civil alliances in New Zealand (NZ). It focuses on the involvement of NZ’s peak union body, the Council of Trade Unions, in three civil group coalitions around the Living Wage Campaign, Decent Work Agenda and Environmental Agenda. It assesses how the CTU and its affiliates’ coalition involvement are informed by and seek to progress liberal (representative), participatory and/or more radical democratic principles, and what this means for organizational practice; the relations between the coalition parties; workplaces; and beyond.Through case discussions, the study finds that civil alliances involving the CTU and its affiliates do not reflect a core trait of union activity in NZ. Among the union-civil alliances that do exist, there is a prevailing sense of their utility to progress shared interests alongside, and on the union side, a more instrumental aim to encourage union revival. However, the alliances under examination reflect an engagement with various liberal and participatory democratic arrangements at different organizational levels. More radical democratic tendencies emerge in relation toad hocelements of activity and the aspirational goals of such coalitions as opposed to their usual processes and institutional configurations.In essence, what emerges is a labour centre and movement which, on the one hand, is in a survivalist mode primarily concerned with economistic matters, and on the other, in a position of relative political and bargaining weakness, reaching out to other civil groups where it can so as to challenge the neo-liberal hegemony. Based on our findings, we conclude that Laclau and Mouffe’s (2001) view of radical democracy holds promise for subsequent coalitions involving the CTU, particularly in the context of NZ workers’ diverse interests and the plurality of other civil groups and social movements’ interests. This view concernson-goingagency, change, organizing and strategy by coalitions to build inclusive (counter-) hegemony, arguing for a politic from below that challenges existing dominant neo-liberal assumptions in work and other spheres of life.