Inverse scope and unaccusativity alternation

In this paper, I first review evidence for the claim that there is an inverse correlation between Japanese scrambling and QR: that is, Japanese is scope rigid because it allows scrambling as a syntactic option (Szabolcsi 1997, Bobaljik and Wurmbrand 2012). According to Bobaljik and Wurmbrand’s approach, QR is blocked in Japanese because Japanese has scrambling. There are, however, cases in which apparent inverse scope is easily available in Japanese (Oku 2010), which is problematic to Bobaljik and Wurmbrand and to any theoretical attempt to account for Szabolcsi’s inverse correlation. To explain this conflicting situation, I will propose that verbs involved in such apparent counterexamples are actually unaccusatives so that the surface subject is the underlying complement of the verb: the apparent inverse scope is read off at the underlying structure where the surface subject is c-commanded by the PP. As independent evidence for the unaccusasivity of the verbs in question, I will show that the floating quantifier fact (Miyagawa 1989) confirms what I propose. Further, the unaccusativity alternation in Japanese (reported by Yamada 1998) is endorsed by the inverse scope facts explored in this paper.

PERILAKU SUBJEK DALAM BAHASA KEMAK KABUPATEN BELU NUSA TENGGARA TIMUR

This study aims to identify subject characteristics of the Kemak language in Belu Regency, East Nusa Tenggara. The subject characteristics are identified by testing thearguments predicted as a subject. The data were spoken and written data in the form ofclauses or sentences collected through the field linguistic method, using direct elicitationsupported by interviews. The selected informants were native speakers. The findings showthat the subject in the Kemak language has the following characteristics. (1) The subjectappears in the pre-verbal position in the canonical structure. (2) An adverb and a negationmarker can be inserted between the subject as a pre-verbal argument and the predicate.(3) The subject can be relativized. (4) A floating quantifier can be inserted between subjectand predicate. (5) The subject can be made reflexive. (6) Non-subject arguments (directand indirect objects) can be raised to be a subject through the raising mechanism. (7) Thesubject can be focused through the presence of the focus marker te ‘that’ which appearsdirectly after the subject. (8) The subject can be controlled.

Latin quisque as a “floating” quantifier

The Latin distributive pronoun

Syntax and semantics of Korean numeral classifier constructions

The so-called floating quantifier constructions in languages like Korean display intriguing properties whose successful processing can prove the robustness of a parsing system. This paper shows that a constraint-based analysis, in particular couched upon the framework of HPSG, can offer us an efficient way of analyzing these constructions together with proper semantic representations. It also shows how the analysis has been successfully implemented in the LKB (Linguistic Knowledge Building) system.

Locality in Syntax and Floating Numeral Quantifiers

We defend the idea that a floating quantifier observes syntactic locality with its associated noun phrase. This idea has given rise to a number of important empirical insights, including the VP-internal subject position, intermediate traces, and NP-traces. Recently, this syntactic locality of floating quantifiers has been questioned in a number of languages. We take up evidence from Japanese that purports to disprove the locality requirements on floating numeral quantifiers and their associated NP, and we demonstrate that the arguments in fact give evidence for syntactic locality, not against it. Our conclusions suggest that evidence against the locality of floating quantifiers given in other languages should be reexamined.

On-line Processing of Floating Quantifier Constructions in Japanese: Using Event-related Brain Potentials

This study investigates when and how the association process between two syntactic elements are performed in on-line sentence processing. The results of our ERP experiment suggest that the language processor adopts a two-stage processing style. First, when the language processor encounters an element requiring association with another element, it holds it in working memory until the appropriate candidate for the association appears. Then, the language processor associates the candidate for association with the element which had been stored in working memory.

Towards a unified analysis of French floating quantifiers

In French, a quantifier can appear in various positions outside of the NP it quantifies over, whether this NP is the subject or the (direct or indirect) object of the sentence. This phenomenon, often referred to as ‘floating’, has been investigated since the early stages of the generative framework, and several analyses have been proposed to account for both the quantifier subject and the quantifier object in a unified way. However, to my knowledge, none of them has succeeded in providing such a unified account without recourse to non-explanatory restrictions. The main aim of this paper is to propose an analysis that does not require any such restrictions. The focus will be on anaphoric quantifiers (i.e. quantifiers that have to be linked to some other argument position in order to be interpretable), the analysis of which will be shown to extend straightforwardly to pronominal and adverbial quantifiers, according to the principles of Government and Binding theory.The study of floating quantifiers raises the broader question of how to account for locality requirements in a satisfactory way. Basically, there are two possible ways to account for the restrictions on the distribution of floating quantifiers: either they flow from derivational restrictions, or they are subject to representational restrictions. I will argue in favour of the latter.The analysis proposed here is essentially syntactic. However, reference will be made to the semantic interpretation of various structures: the position occupied by the floating quantifier at S-structure will be shown to constrain its interpretation. The semantics of floating quantifiers will however not be investigated beyond this.