Hidropolítica neoliberal en Chile y el secuestro hídrico en el Valle de Copiapó: Trayectorias, dinámicas y narrativas en tensión, una perspectiva de coyuntura histórica

Resumen En este artículo, y desde un abordaje regional situado en el valle de Copiapó en la Región de Atacama en el norte de Chile, efectuamos un análisis del periodo de desarrollo del neoliberalismo en clave ambiental como una coyuntura histórica, en la que nos concentramos en el metabolismo económico, material y po­lítico institucional entre sociedad y medioambiente. Específicamente, analizaremos como el agua, es so­metida a un proceso de privatización y mercantilización, constituyendo las silenciosas bases del metabo­lismo extractivo en el marco del desarrollo y transformación de la industria minera y agroindustrial, que implicó una intensificación radical del consumo industrial de agua, paralelo a un aumento exponencial de la acumulación capitalista y a una simultánea hiper-desertificación artificial de una zona ya naturalmente desértica. Hipotetizamos que la acumulación por desposesión hídrica solo fue posible teniendo como condiciones de posibilidad y origen re fundacional, a las transformaciones institucionales radicales reali­zadas sin posibilidad de discusión democrática y en un contexto de represión y violencia política, con lo que el análisis de la dimensión ambiental del presente no puede disociarse de los contextos políticos sub­yacentes y sus trayectorias en términos de un abordaje de análisis de procesos de duración media en términos braudelianos. Palabras clave: hidropolítica; secuestro hídrico; coyuntura; violencia; neoliberalismo. Resumo Neste trabalho, a partir de uma abordagem regional localizada no vale de Copiapó, Região do Atacama, norte do Chile, realizamos uma análise ambiental no período histórico de desenvolvimento do neolibera­lismo no Chile, na qual enfocamos o metabolismo econômico, material e político-institucional entre soci­edade e meio ambiente. Especificamente, analisamos como a água está submetida a um processo de pri­vatização e comercialização, constituindo as bases silenciosas do metabolismo extrativo no quadro do desenvolvimento e transformação da indústria mineira e agroindustrial, o que implicou uma intensifica­ção radical do consumo industrial de água, paralelo a um aumento exponencial da acumulação capitalista e a uma simultânea hiperdesertificação artificial de uma área já naturalmente deserta. Hipotetizamos que o acúmulo por expropriação da água só foi possível tendo como condições de possibilidade e origem refundacional, as radicais transformações institucionais realizadas iniciadas na ditadura e consolidadas nos governos pós-ditatoriais, com as quais a análise da dimensão ambiental do presente não pode ser dissociada dos contextos políticos subjacentes e de suas trajetórias em termos de uma abordagem de análise de processo de média duração em termos braudelianos. Para isso, analisamos o fenómeno desta­cando duas ordens distintas, mas ligadas: 1) uma, relativa às trajetórias político-institucionais sob uma perspectiva histórica, considerando dimensões escalares em dimensiones políticas, econômicas e ambi­entais; 2) outra, sociopolítica e narrativa, ao abordar discursos e narrativas promovidos pelo capital, como formas ideológicas de despolitização da crise, Por outro lado, a emergência de narrativas de contestação desde as comunidades e atores locais, que vão da narrativa do desaparecimento do rio à do sequestro da água. Finalmente, destacamos que, ainda que não haja relação causal entre o sentido semântico obser­vado, tanto o desaparecimento como o sequestro são narrativas que podem estar vinculadas à violência política originária da ditadura y a luta pelos Direitos Humanos, com o desaparecimento e sequestro de pessoas no âmbito da repressão política, paralela aos processos de transformação económica que leva­ram à reconfiguração silenciosa entre capital e meio ambiente no Chile. Em termos de periodização da conjuntura estudada, apesar de não estar estruturada de forma sequencial, se incluem eventos e proces­sos que envolvem o desenvolvimento da conjuntura neoliberal desde a execução do golpe de Estado contra Salvador Allende em 1973, do desenvolvimento de transformações jurídicas e econômicas da dita­dura militar e da consolidação neoliberal na transição pós-ditatorial, até o denominado estallido social de outubro de 2019 e o posterior processo constituinte em 2020/2021 Palavras-chave: hidropolítica; sequestro de água; conjuntura; violência; neoliberalismo. Neoliberal hydropolitics in Chile and the water kidnapping in Copiapó Valley: Trajectories, dynamics and narratives in tension, an historical conjuncture approach Abstract In this work and from a regional approach located in the Copiapó valley in the Atacama Region in northern Chile, we carry out an analysis of the period of development of neoliberalism in an environmental key as a historical conjuncture, in which we focus on metabolism economic, material and institutional political between society and environment. Specifically, we will analyze how water is subjected to a process of privatization and commercialization, constituting the silent bases of the extractive metabolism in the framework of the development and transformation of the mining and agro-industrial industry, which implied a radical intensification of the industrial consumption of water, parallel to an exponential increase in capitalist accumulation and to a simultaneous artificial hyper-desertification of an already naturally desert area. We hypothesize that the accumulation by water dispossession was only possible having as conditions of possibility and re-foundational origin, the radical institutional transformations carried out initiated in the dictatorship and consolidated in the post-dictatorial governments, with which the analysis of the environmental dimension of the present does not it can be dissociated from the underlying political contexts and their trajectories in terms of a medium-duration process analysis approach in Braudelian terms. Keywords: hydro-politics; water kidnapping; conjuncture; violence; neoliberalism.

Reflections on the regional approach for Open Science in Europe – EOSC-Pillar and the other “5b projects”

The H2020 project “EOSC Pillar” and its three “sister projects” (5b Projects) are an excellent example of how different European projects can effectively participate in the EOSC building process united in a serious, determined effort formalized by a consensual agreement between the projects. The regional approach, responding to individual, regional needs, has demonstrated the importance of jointly addressing challenges related to the European Open Science Cloud in order to reach the diverse and fragmented European research infrastructure landscape. The resulting FAIR data and conclusions are essential building blocks for continuing similar efforts.

China and New Regionalism in Africa - Conflict or Coherence?

<p>What is Africa's best hope for advancing its development initiatives? Should each state seek to compete independently on the world stage? Should they seek to forge relationships with external partners and the power players in the world economy on a one-to-one basis? Or should they work together in conjunction with the economic giants of the globalised economy? Of these three possible approaches this article seeks to investigate the third. Can the African states use a regional approach to economic development whilst still engaging and benefitting from external benefactors? Or will the traditional and developing powerhouses in the world economy simply use Africa's efforts at regional integration as a way to garner favour and preferential access to African markets and resources? In the post colonial and post independence period, many African states sought to work with the former colonialists overlords in an attempt to develop their economies through a regional approach. Many of these attempts created little real benefit to the African peoples themselves. In the wake of these failed attempts at development via the perceived benefits of regional integration, new movements developed. A new approach to regionalism has appeared in the last three decades, whose hallmarks are quite different to the old approaches to regionalism. It is the intent of this article to make an empirical investigation into the progress of these new approaches to regional integration or 'the new regionalism' as it is often dubbed. I also wish to add a further element to this investigation. The 'old regionalism' traditionally featured African states seeking trade policy rationalisation/integration/development under the tutelage and patronage of the western states. However, one of key characteristics of the 'new regionalism' is that new partnerships between developing economies and the African states are emerging. These partnerships have the ability to either greatly help the African states in the path to development through regional integration, or they may hinder and derail these attempts. To this end I wish to investigate the greatest 'developing' economy in the world and its impact on Africa's regionalisation projects. I am referring here to China. China has shown interest in Africa as a continent that has huge potential and as one that can provide great benefit to China's rapid economic growth and expansion. To this end it seems particularly relevant to investigate how China seeks to expand its ties and increase its presence in the area. As both Africa and China can be seen as 'developing', albeit both at very different levels, it should be particularly interesting to see how these two geographical and demographic juggernauts work together in the pursuit of their own developments ...</p>

China and New Regionalism in Africa - Conflict or Coherence?

<p>What is Africa's best hope for advancing its development initiatives? Should each state seek to compete independently on the world stage? Should they seek to forge relationships with external partners and the power players in the world economy on a one-to-one basis? Or should they work together in conjunction with the economic giants of the globalised economy? Of these three possible approaches this article seeks to investigate the third. Can the African states use a regional approach to economic development whilst still engaging and benefitting from external benefactors? Or will the traditional and developing powerhouses in the world economy simply use Africa's efforts at regional integration as a way to garner favour and preferential access to African markets and resources? In the post colonial and post independence period, many African states sought to work with the former colonialists overlords in an attempt to develop their economies through a regional approach. Many of these attempts created little real benefit to the African peoples themselves. In the wake of these failed attempts at development via the perceived benefits of regional integration, new movements developed. A new approach to regionalism has appeared in the last three decades, whose hallmarks are quite different to the old approaches to regionalism. It is the intent of this article to make an empirical investigation into the progress of these new approaches to regional integration or 'the new regionalism' as it is often dubbed. I also wish to add a further element to this investigation. The 'old regionalism' traditionally featured African states seeking trade policy rationalisation/integration/development under the tutelage and patronage of the western states. However, one of key characteristics of the 'new regionalism' is that new partnerships between developing economies and the African states are emerging. These partnerships have the ability to either greatly help the African states in the path to development through regional integration, or they may hinder and derail these attempts. To this end I wish to investigate the greatest 'developing' economy in the world and its impact on Africa's regionalisation projects. I am referring here to China. China has shown interest in Africa as a continent that has huge potential and as one that can provide great benefit to China's rapid economic growth and expansion. To this end it seems particularly relevant to investigate how China seeks to expand its ties and increase its presence in the area. As both Africa and China can be seen as 'developing', albeit both at very different levels, it should be particularly interesting to see how these two geographical and demographic juggernauts work together in the pursuit of their own developments ...</p>

China and New Regionalism in Africa - Conflict or Coherence?

<p>What is Africa's best hope for advancing its development initiatives? Should each state seek to compete independently on the world stage? Should they seek to forge relationships with external partners and the power players in the world economy on a one-to-one basis? Or should they work together in conjunction with the economic giants of the globalised economy? Of these three possible approaches this article seeks to investigate the third. Can the African states use a regional approach to economic development whilst still engaging and benefitting from external benefactors? Or will the traditional and developing powerhouses in the world economy simply use Africa's efforts at regional integration as a way to garner favour and preferential access to African markets and resources? In the post colonial and post independence period, many African states sought to work with the former colonialists overlords in an attempt to develop their economies through a regional approach. Many of these attempts created little real benefit to the African peoples themselves. In the wake of these failed attempts at development via the perceived benefits of regional integration, new movements developed. A new approach to regionalism has appeared in the last three decades, whose hallmarks are quite different to the old approaches to regionalism. It is the intent of this article to make an empirical investigation into the progress of these new approaches to regional integration or 'the new regionalism' as it is often dubbed. I also wish to add a further element to this investigation. The 'old regionalism' traditionally featured African states seeking trade policy rationalisation/integration/development under the tutelage and patronage of the western states. However, one of key characteristics of the 'new regionalism' is that new partnerships between developing economies and the African states are emerging. These partnerships have the ability to either greatly help the African states in the path to development through regional integration, or they may hinder and derail these attempts. To this end I wish to investigate the greatest 'developing' economy in the world and its impact on Africa's regionalisation projects. I am referring here to China. China has shown interest in Africa as a continent that has huge potential and as one that can provide great benefit to China's rapid economic growth and expansion. To this end it seems particularly relevant to investigate how China seeks to expand its ties and increase its presence in the area. As both Africa and China can be seen as 'developing', albeit both at very different levels, it should be particularly interesting to see how these two geographical and demographic juggernauts work together in the pursuit of their own developments ...</p>

China and New Regionalism in Africa - Conflict or Coherence?

<p>What is Africa's best hope for advancing its development initiatives? Should each state seek to compete independently on the world stage? Should they seek to forge relationships with external partners and the power players in the world economy on a one-to-one basis? Or should they work together in conjunction with the economic giants of the globalised economy? Of these three possible approaches this article seeks to investigate the third. Can the African states use a regional approach to economic development whilst still engaging and benefitting from external benefactors? Or will the traditional and developing powerhouses in the world economy simply use Africa's efforts at regional integration as a way to garner favour and preferential access to African markets and resources? In the post colonial and post independence period, many African states sought to work with the former colonialists overlords in an attempt to develop their economies through a regional approach. Many of these attempts created little real benefit to the African peoples themselves. In the wake of these failed attempts at development via the perceived benefits of regional integration, new movements developed. A new approach to regionalism has appeared in the last three decades, whose hallmarks are quite different to the old approaches to regionalism. It is the intent of this article to make an empirical investigation into the progress of these new approaches to regional integration or 'the new regionalism' as it is often dubbed. I also wish to add a further element to this investigation. The 'old regionalism' traditionally featured African states seeking trade policy rationalisation/integration/development under the tutelage and patronage of the western states. However, one of key characteristics of the 'new regionalism' is that new partnerships between developing economies and the African states are emerging. These partnerships have the ability to either greatly help the African states in the path to development through regional integration, or they may hinder and derail these attempts. To this end I wish to investigate the greatest 'developing' economy in the world and its impact on Africa's regionalisation projects. I am referring here to China. China has shown interest in Africa as a continent that has huge potential and as one that can provide great benefit to China's rapid economic growth and expansion. To this end it seems particularly relevant to investigate how China seeks to expand its ties and increase its presence in the area. As both Africa and China can be seen as 'developing', albeit both at very different levels, it should be particularly interesting to see how these two geographical and demographic juggernauts work together in the pursuit of their own developments ...</p>

Evaluating a Regional Approach to a National Problem: The 'Pacific Plan' and Poverty Reduction in the Kingdom of Tonga

<p>Many national governments today insist that poverty reduction is the central objective of all development initiatives and policies. Increasingly however, poverty reduction initiatives have shifted away from a people-centered approach towards a focus on macroeconomic growth via a neo-liberal agenda, often promoted through regional agreements, in an attempt to meet the development needs of nations. This research seeks to explore the effectiveness of a regional approach to poverty reduction within the Pacific, using the Pacific Plan and the Kingdom of Tonga's 'Strategic Development Plan Eight' (2006/7-2008/9) as a case study, to examine the extent to which regional initiatives meet national goals for poverty reduction and development. As an interpretive study, semistructured interviews, literature analysis and focus groups were utilized in the research process in which the contributions of policy-influencers in Nuku'Alofa, and youth and villagers in Vava'u were sought. This research found that Tonga's national development plan had been heavily influenced by the dominant approach to development as exercised by the Pacific Plan in adopting a neo-liberal framework for development, seeking economic growth via the liberalization of trade and markets. Additionally this research sought to examine the perceptions of living standards in Tonga by those interviewed and the extent to which the government addressed these. What emerged was a clear indication that while the villagers felt they were coping, basic infrastructure was lacking which would aid their ability to go about their daily livelihood activities and to offer further opportunities for livelihood diversification. The overriding theme of 'self-help' seemingly adopted by the citizens and perpetuated by the policy-influencers was a clear indication that the Tongan government saw solutions to the reduction of hardship as lying with the citizens themselves. This also pointed to a possible requirement for the government to utilize their resources towards meeting the restructuring efforts needed in facilitating the regional frameworks and processes of the Pacific Plan as well as adhering to donor requirements rather than in directing these towards much needed social spending. An awareness of Tonga's place in the world as a unique nation, but one experiencing change at a rapid pace, which at times resulted in hardship, was evident. The research also suggests that although a dominant neo-liberal approach is adopted in both the SDP8 and the Pacific Plan, it may not be a best fit to effectively address poverty alleviation and the reduction of hardship for Tonga. Key words: regionalism, Tonga, poverty, Pacific Plan, development.</p>

Evaluating a Regional Approach to a National Problem: The 'Pacific Plan' and Poverty Reduction in the Kingdom of Tonga

<p>Many national governments today insist that poverty reduction is the central objective of all development initiatives and policies. Increasingly however, poverty reduction initiatives have shifted away from a people-centered approach towards a focus on macroeconomic growth via a neo-liberal agenda, often promoted through regional agreements, in an attempt to meet the development needs of nations. This research seeks to explore the effectiveness of a regional approach to poverty reduction within the Pacific, using the Pacific Plan and the Kingdom of Tonga's 'Strategic Development Plan Eight' (2006/7-2008/9) as a case study, to examine the extent to which regional initiatives meet national goals for poverty reduction and development. As an interpretive study, semistructured interviews, literature analysis and focus groups were utilized in the research process in which the contributions of policy-influencers in Nuku'Alofa, and youth and villagers in Vava'u were sought. This research found that Tonga's national development plan had been heavily influenced by the dominant approach to development as exercised by the Pacific Plan in adopting a neo-liberal framework for development, seeking economic growth via the liberalization of trade and markets. Additionally this research sought to examine the perceptions of living standards in Tonga by those interviewed and the extent to which the government addressed these. What emerged was a clear indication that while the villagers felt they were coping, basic infrastructure was lacking which would aid their ability to go about their daily livelihood activities and to offer further opportunities for livelihood diversification. The overriding theme of 'self-help' seemingly adopted by the citizens and perpetuated by the policy-influencers was a clear indication that the Tongan government saw solutions to the reduction of hardship as lying with the citizens themselves. This also pointed to a possible requirement for the government to utilize their resources towards meeting the restructuring efforts needed in facilitating the regional frameworks and processes of the Pacific Plan as well as adhering to donor requirements rather than in directing these towards much needed social spending. An awareness of Tonga's place in the world as a unique nation, but one experiencing change at a rapid pace, which at times resulted in hardship, was evident. The research also suggests that although a dominant neo-liberal approach is adopted in both the SDP8 and the Pacific Plan, it may not be a best fit to effectively address poverty alleviation and the reduction of hardship for Tonga. Key words: regionalism, Tonga, poverty, Pacific Plan, development.</p>