The Territorial Representativeness of Italian Ministerial Elites: From the Regional “Parity Norm” to the Rise of Technocrats

The territorial composition of governments (that is, the geographical origin of its members) has received little attention from political scientists. However, prime ministers, ministers, and junior ministers clearly have a territorial characterization and preferential attachments to specific places that can potentially affect the way decisions are made and resources are allocated. In this article, we focus on these aspects, showing the evolution of the territorial representativeness of Italian governmental elites over the last four decades and proposing some interpretations of its changes. In particular, we describe the transition from a balanced regional representation (the “parity norm”) to a multitude of different patterns of territorial representation that we observe across parties nowadays. We propose three explanations for such changes: the first is based on the transformation of the party system in the nineties, with the emergence of parties such as the Northern League, with a specific regional focus; the second is based on the regionalization of the Italian state and its consequences on political career paths; the third is based on the increasing recruitment of technocrats in ministerial offices.

Going Local: Parliamentary Questions as a Means of Territorial Representation in the Italian Parliament

Parliamentary questions are often employed by Members of Parliament to demonstrate their responsiveness to the needs of the constituency. This article takes advantage from this opportunity to study the determinants shaping the constituency focus of Italian deputies. Previous research has shown that the degree to which Members of Parliament devote attention to their geographical district depends on several factors related to electoral incentives, demands coming from citizens and taste-based preferences. By studying the behaviour of Italian deputies elected in three legislative terms with a system giving few incentives to perform constituency service, this article offers new evidence that non-electoral reasons are important to shape the role played by Members of Parliament.

The power of maps and participatory approaches: the use of social cartography in the territorial representation of rural settlements

The elaboration of a methodology of social intervention based on a collective work has as proposal to meet the needs of the community, the orientation of the technicians and a better interaction with the institutions that act in the place. In this sense, this article analyzes the development of a participatory methodology that articulates the use of the principles of social cartography. This was applied and validated in a rural settlement for the elaboration of georeferenced participatory maps on territorial representation. It is concluded that this methodology facilitated the empowerment of the participants in the territorial representation of the rural settlement.

DISKURSUS JABATAN KEANGGOTAAN DEWAN PERWAKILAN DAERAH: PARTAI POLITIK ATAU PERSEORANGAN

ABSTRAKAmandemen konstitusi mengamanatkan perubahan komposisi Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (MPR) menjadi terdiri atas anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR) dan Dewan Pewakilan Daerah (DPD). DPD dihadirkan sebagai representasi daerah. Namun, saat ini tengah terjadi polemik dalam pengisian jabatan keanggotaan DPD sebab DPD dikehendaki untuk bersifat netral agar dapat mewakili aspirasi daerah, tetapi kini diragukan karena banyaknya anggota DPD yang berafiliasi dengan partai politik. Pada tahun 2014-2019 setidaknya terdapat 70 anggota DPD yang berafiliasi dengan partai politik. Fenomena ini dikhawatirkan dapat mempengaruhi kinerja DPD dalam menyerap aspirasi daerah. Oleh karena itu, peneliti hendak mengkaji pengaturan keanggotaan DPD sebagai representasi teritorial dalam rangka mewujudkan aspirasi daerah. Metode yang digunakan adalah yuridis normatif. Hasil penelitian ini adalah belum terdapat ketegasan pengaturan keanggotaan DPD dilarang berasal dari partai politik sehingga berpengaruh terhadap kinerja penyerapan aspirasi rakyat, oleh karena itu perlu dilakukan revisi pasal terkait untuk mempertegas larangan pengisian jabatan DPD oleh partai politik.Kata kunci: DPD, partai politik, netralABSTRACTThe constitutional amendments mandate changes in the composition of the People's Consultative Council (MPR) to become members of the House of Representatives (DPR) and the Regional Representative Council (DPD). DPD is presented as a regional representation. However, there is currently a polemic in the filling of DPD positions because the DPD is desired to ensure neutrality can represent regional aspirations, but now it is questioning because DPD members are affiliated with political parties. In 2014-2019 there were 70 DPD members affiliated with political parties. It is feared that this phenomenon can affect the DPD's performance in absorbing regional aspirations. Therefore, researchers must examine the DPD's representative council as territorial representation in order to realize the aspirations of the region. The method used is normative juridical. The results of this study have not yet discussed DPD regulations issued by political parties related to requirements involving the aspirations of the people, therefore it is necessary to revise articles relating to reinforcing restrictions on filling DPD ownership by political parties.Keywords: DPD, political parties, neutral

The Paradox of Incumbency: Patronage, Clientelism, and Incumbent Defeat in Village Chief Elections

This article examines the practices of patronage and clientelism during village elections. Examining Mekarsari Village, Yogyakarta, this study finds that patronage strategies such as programmatic politics, vote buying, club goods, and individual gifts were used by all candidates during village elections owing to the lack of strong social bonds between candidates and voters. The incumbent with all advantages and access to material resources also used patronise and clientelism as strategy, but in fact, it cannot guarantee they win the election. This suggests that the societal relationships and practices of patronage and clientelism continue to affect voter’s preference. Applying sociological, psychological, and rational approaches to understanding voter behaviour especially in Java, the study found that, apart from the instrumental and social distance considerations, territorial representation also influenced voter’s preference at Village.

The Territorial Select Committees, 40 Years On

The territorial departmental select committees have largely escaped academic scrutiny since their establishment in 1979 (for Scotland and Wales) and 1994 (Northern Ireland). This article charts the history of territorial representation in Westminster, including the creation of grand committees for Scotland and Wales and a Northern Ireland Standing Committee, before explaining the forces that led to the creation of territorial departmental select committees. The article then explores the work of these committees after their formation, and explores how they have responded to the devolution dispensations in their respective nations. A key theme of this article is the influence of constitutional developments in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland on territorial committees at Westminster. Indeed, as this article highlights, the different timings of establishment, the asymmetric levels of (in)stability in the various devolution dispensations and prolonged suspensions of devolution in Northern Ireland have had an impact on the role of the respective territorial select committees.

The Secession Issue and Territorial Autonomy in Spain: Bicameralism Revisited

The Spanish Constitution defines the Senate as 'Chamber of territorial representation'. But in the Senate the provinces are represented, not the Autonomous Communities. The Senate is a Chamber of ‘sober second thought’, subordinated to the lower House, whose will prevails in the event of discrepancy. It lacks specific powers with regard to territorial autonomy; in spite of this, there has been an attempt to assign it relevance in this sphere by creating a General Committee on Autonomous Communities. By way of exception the Senate is exclusively responsible for the decision to authorize the Government to apply measures of ’federal coercion'. This constitutional provision was first activated in October 2017, in the context of the secessionist process in Catalonia, as a result of the repeated noncompliance by the authorities of the resolutions of the Constitutional Court (CC), which concluded with the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) by Parliament at the same time as the adoption of the measures of federal coercion. The Senate demonstrated that even in a case in which it has the reserved competence, as in the authorization of the adoption of measures of federal coercion, it lacks the capacity to be a federal Chamber.