THE INITIATIVE «ONE BELT, ONE ROAD» AND THE BALKANS: THE ASSESSMENTS OF THE EXPERT COMMUNITY AND THE MEDIA OF CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE (2017-2020)

The article examines the assessments of the global strategic concept «One Belt, One Road» of the PRC by the representatives of the Central and Eastern European expert community and by the Albanian media. After the Cold War, the formation processes of national states in the post-Yugoslavian space have started in the Balkans, and the region has come under tight probe of the Euro-Atlantic community, of Russia and Turkey as well as of the Peoples Republic of China, which had not displayed earlier such a keen interest in this region. In the context of the global strategy outlined by the party-state leadership of mainland China, the Balkans and Central Eastern Europe have turned into important connecting link in the Chinese geostrategic concept «One Belt, One Road». In the 2010 s, the PRC has begun to establish a wide-range network of transport corridors, designed to start a «new edition» of the historical «Silk Road» and to serve as an instrument for the economic advancement of the PRC on a transcontinental scale. This policy of economic expansion of the PRC, encompassing regions and continents on its way, is being actively discussed in the expert community of Central and Eastern European states from the standpoint of identifying both specific mode of actions engaged by the party-state leadership of the PRC, as well as local conditions, interests and probable results of the implementation of the Chinese project. The author notes that expert assessments range from positive to sharply negative, which indicates the absence of a definitive opinion on this issue. In Albania, a Balkan state closely linked to both Central and Eastern Europe and the Western Balkans, especially due to the presence of a large Albanian ethnic component in a number of countries of the region, the participation in the implementation of the project «One Belt, One Road» was strongly influenced by economic and political relations with the Euro-Atlantic community.

Writing “Eastness”: Romania and the Conundrum of Regionness in the Black Sea Area

The article sets out to explore how Romanian authorities have struggled to get rid of the border country syndrome through subregional initiatives in the Black Sea area once Romania joined the Euro-Atlantic community. The article examines how such subregional policies have performatively constituted Romania’s strategic identity in the area. Formally, all the subregional initiatives that the article addresses have drawn on an institutional logic of security. Informally, though, they promoted a geopolitical vision of security. Such a logic has sharply conflicted with the underlying security philosophy of both the European Union and other successful subregional initiatives in the area. Thus, instead of improving Romania’s level of regionness, these subregional policies have ended up creating more dividing lines in an already strained security environment. The article draws on David Campbell’s political criticism and shows how Romania’s security practices in the Black Sea area, instead of instilling Europeanness into the country’s strategic identity, have ended up reinforcing its “Eastness.”

POLITICAL-MILITARY DIMENSION OF THE FRG FOREIGN POLICY IN THE POST-YUGOSLAVIAN SPACE

Since the early 1990 s, Germany has been playing an active role in shaping so-called the post-Yugoslavian space, using a diversified political, diplomatic and military tools. Demonstration of Germany’s abilities in the Balkans contributed to the fact that the country gradually regained its role as a regional power and began to move towards the position of a full-fledged global player. The article focuses on the dynamics and results of the development of bilateral contacts between the FRG and the Balkan regional actors in the political and military field in the 2010 s. In this regard, the practical significance of increasing the number of Balkan countries in NATO and launching the Conference on the Western Balkans is analyzed. The roles of Slovenia and Croatia as focal regional partners of Germany are revealed. The author compares FRG’s approaches to the settlement of armed conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in Kosovo and shows the difficulties faced by German diplomacy in bringing these countries closer to the Euro-Atlantic community. In this context, the position of the FRG in the settlement of the «Macedonian issue» is examined and the growing understanding by the German leadership of the importance of a significant improvement in relations with Serbia for strengthening the strategic positions of Germany in the Balkans is revealed. The author describes the mediating and coordinating role of Germany in establishing unofficial contacts between official Belgrade and Kosovo and emphasizes the importance of the «negotiation link» between Chancellor A. Merkel and President A. Vučić. It is noted that Germany demonstrates the readiness to accept the tactics of multi-speed rapprochement of the states of the post-Yugoslavian space with the EU and NATO. The article concludes that, at the present, the main tactical task of the FRG in the post-Yugoslavian space is to ensure the integration of all states in the region into the Euro-Atlantic community.