L1 phonological effects on L2 (non-)naïve perception: A cross-language investigation of the oral–nasal vowel contrast in Brazilian Portuguese

Feature-based approaches to acquisition principally focus on second language (L2) learners’ ability to perceive non-native consonants when the features required are either contrastively present or entirely absent from the first language (L1) grammar. As features may function contrastively or allophonically in the consonant and/or vowel systems of a language, we expand the scope of this research to address whether features that function contrastively in the L1 vowel system can be recombined to yield new vowels in the L2; whether features that play a contrastive role in the L1 consonant system can be reassigned to build new vowels in the L2; and whether L1 allophonic features can be ‘elevated’ to contrastive status in the L2. We examine perception of the oral–nasal contrast in Brazilian Portuguese listeners from French, English, Caribbean Spanish, and non-Caribbean Spanish backgrounds, languages that differ in the status assigned to [nasal] in their vowel systems. An AXB discrimination task revealed that, although all language groups succeeded in perceiving the non-naïve contrast /e/–/ẽ/ due to their previous exposure to Québec French while living in Montréal, Canada, only French and Caribbean Spanish speakers succeeded in discriminating the naïve contrast /i/–/ĩ/. These findings suggest that feature redeployment at first exposure is only possible if the feature is contrastive in the L1 vowel system (French) or if the feature is allophonic but variably occurs in contrastive contexts in the L1 vowel system (Caribbean Spanish). With more exposure to a non-native contrast, however, feature redeployment from consonant to vowel systems was also supported, as was the possibility that allophonic features may be elevated to contrastive status in the L2.

“What do they say in Quebec?”

This paper examines how non-binary French-speakers in Quebec express their gender identities in speech. I argue that reformist efforts regarding neutral French should include increased attention to how neutral French is done in informal spoken Quebec French, as I examine how current recommendations based on spelling can fail to be taken up in speech, and how regional varieties can sometimes require different prescriptions. Based on a preliminary field study with eight participants who are part of this community of practice, I find that participants did not use any audible neologisms, such as the ones recommended for writing and for other varieties. Not only did they all use gendered language to refer to non-binary referents, although at a much lower frequency than for binary referents, but they also used gender-avoidance strategies in most cases. I also show that third person clitics seem to be the word category most resistant to neutralization or avoidance for speakers of this variety. I argue that these results point to the development of two distinct systems of neutral French, one for speech and one for writing.

Revisiting the Acquisition of Onset Complexity: Affrication in Québec French

I investigate the acquisition of affrication in Québec French (QF), where affricates are in complementary distribution with coronal stops, being realized before high front vowels and glides. Previous research on other languages shows that affricates are acquired before branching onsets, which supports the idea that complexity at the level of the segment is acquired before complexity at the level of the syllable (Lleó & Prinz, 1997). In contrast, I hypothesize that affricates are acquired after branching onsets in QF, as learners are required to understand the constraints on their distribution. I examine longitudinal data from two QF-speaking children for whom the acquisition of branching onsets has been previously analyzed (Rose, 2000). Results show that affricates are indeed acquired after branching onsets, consistent with the hypothesis. Overapplication errors indicate that children make generalizations about the phonological constraints on affrication from an early age, which is expected for the acquisition of rules.

Revisiting the Acquisition of Onset Complexity: Affrication in Québec French

I investigate the acquisition of affrication in Québec French (QF), where affricates are in complementary distribution with coronal stops, being realized before high front vowels and glides. Previous research on other languages shows that affricates are acquired before branching onsets, which supports the idea that complexity at the level of the segment is acquired before complexity at the level of the syllable (Lleó & Prinz, 1997). In contrast, I hypothesize that affricates are acquired after branching onsets in QF, as learners are required to understand the constraints on their distribution. I examine longitudinal data from two QF-speaking children for whom the acquisition of branching onsets has been previously analyzed (Rose, 2000). Results show that affricates are indeed acquired after branching onsets, consistent with the hypothesis. Overapplication errors indicate that children make generalizations about the phonological constraints on affrication from an early age, which is expected for the acquisition of rules.

What motivates high vowel deletion in Québec French: foot structure or tonal profile?

Previous studies have argued that high vowel deletion (HVD) in Québec French is constrained by iterative iambic footing (Guzzo, Goad & Garcia 2016, Garcia, Goad & Guzzo 2017; see also Verluyten 1982), since it preferentially applies in even-numbered syllables from the right edge of the word. In this paper, we compare this hypothesis with an alternative hypothesis: HVD is constrained by the optionally-realized phrase-initial H tone (Jun & Fougeron 2000, Thibault & Ouellet 1996). We report on a judgement task in which two- and four-syllable nouns with HVD in the initial syllable are placed in phrases of different profiles (No determiner, Determiner + noun, Determiner + adjective + noun). If tonal profile plays a role in HVD, HVD in four-syllable nouns in phrases where the noun is in isolation or preceded by a determiner alone should be dispreferred, since the initial syllable of the noun is assigned the optional H tone in these contexts. Our results do not confirm this: HVD is favored in four-syllable nouns over two-syllable nouns, regardless of phrase type. We explain this finding by expanding our previous proposal: HVD is regulated by foot structure, but is dispreferred when it targets the head foot (where the obligatory phrase-final prominence is realized).

L2 acquisition of high vowel deletion in Quebec French

In languages with lexical stress, stress is computed in the phonological word (PWd) and realized in the foot. In some of these languages, feet are constructed iteratively, yielding multiple stressed syllables in a PWd. English has this profile. In French, by contrast, the only position of obligatory prominence is the right-edge of the phonological phrase (PPh), regardless of how many lexical words it contains (Dell 1984). This has led some to analyze French "stress" as intonational prominence and French, in contrast to most languages, as foot-less (Jun & Fougeron 2000). In earlier work, we argued that high vowel deletion (HVD) motivates iterative iambic footing in Quebec French (QF), although the typical signatures of word-level stress are absent. In this paper, we examine the L2 acquisition of HVD and the prosodic constraints that govern it. We show that L2ers can acquire subtle aspects of the phonology of a second language, even at intermediate levels of proficiency.

Footing is not always about stress: formalizing variable high vowel deletion in Québec French

The existence of foot structure in (Québec) French is disputed, since the only position of obligatory prominence in the language is the right edge of the phonological phrase. In this paper, we propose that a segmental process, namely, high vowel deletion (HVD), supports the existence of iterative iambic footing in Québec French. We report on a judgement task with auditorily-presented stimuli in which native speakers judged whether words with and without HVD sounded natural. The results show that (i) HVD is preferred in even-numbered syllables from the right word edge, (ii) HVD is preferred when the resulting consonantal cluster mirrors an ill-formed branching onset, and (iii) although non-deletion is overall preferred to deletion, deletion is preferred in one context: when the target vowel is at a suffix boundary and in foot-dependent positions.

A Preliminary Look Into the Clinical Evolution of Motor Speech Characteristics in Primary Progressive Apraxia of Speech in Québec French

Purpose This study aimed to track changes in acoustical and perceptual features of motor speech in patients with phonetic and prosodic primary progressive apraxia of speech (PPAOS) in Québec French over an 18-month period. Method A prospective multiple-case series with multiple testing periods, including four participants with a diagnosis of PPAOS, was conducted. Participants were 0.5–4 years postonset of disease at baseline. They underwent comprehensive motor speech and language assessments and cognitive screening every 6 months for up to 18 months. Acoustical and perceptual analyses of motor speech were conducted. Results Results showed a considerable impairment in motor speech abilities for patients with PPAOS at all time points and a significant decrease in performance for almost all articulatory and prosodic measures over time. Passage reading and diadochokinesis seemed particularly promising for the tracking of changes in PPAOS motor speech characteristics and PPAOS classification. Quantifying length of speech runs made it possible to distinguish phonetic from prosodic PPAOS. Finally, the patients who evolved to phonetic PPAOS developed aphasia, and the two with prosodic PPAOS showed greater motor symptoms such as unequivocal dysarthria. Conclusion This study extends the growing literature on PPAOS and its subtypes by describing specific changes in articulatory and prosodic abilities over a period of at least 6 months, which are important for the diagnosis and management of PPAOS.