Footing is not always about stress: formalizing variable high vowel deletion in Québec French

The existence of foot structure in (Québec) French is disputed, since the only position of obligatory prominence in the language is the right edge of the phonological phrase. In this paper, we propose that a segmental process, namely, high vowel deletion (HVD), supports the existence of iterative iambic footing in Québec French. We report on a judgement task with auditorily-presented stimuli in which native speakers judged whether words with and without HVD sounded natural. The results show that (i) HVD is preferred in even-numbered syllables from the right word edge, (ii) HVD is preferred when the resulting consonantal cluster mirrors an ill-formed branching onset, and (iii) although non-deletion is overall preferred to deletion, deletion is preferred in one context: when the target vowel is at a suffix boundary and in foot-dependent positions.

L2 acquisition of high vowel deletion in Quebec French

10.31219/osf.io/2yjem ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Guilherme Duarte Garcia ◽

Heather Goad ◽

Natália Brambatti Guzzo

Keyword(s):

Second Language ◽

Lexical Stress ◽

L2 Acquisition ◽

Phonological Word ◽

Word Level ◽

Quebec French ◽

Vowel Deletion ◽

The Right ◽

In languages with lexical stress, stress is computed in the phonological word (PWd) and realized in the foot. In some of these languages, feet are constructed iteratively, yielding multiple stressed syllables in a PWd. English has this profile. In French, by contrast, the only position of obligatory prominence is the right-edge of the phonological phrase (PPh), regardless of how many lexical words it contains (Dell 1984). This has led some to analyze French "stress" as intonational prominence and French, in contrast to most languages, as foot-less (Jun & Fougeron 2000). In earlier work, we argued that high vowel deletion (HVD) motivates iterative iambic footing in Quebec French (QF), although the typical signatures of word-level stress are absent. In this paper, we examine the L2 acquisition of HVD and the prosodic constraints that govern it. We show that L2ers can acquire subtle aspects of the phonology of a second language, even at intermediate levels of proficiency.

What motivates high vowel deletion in Québec French: foot structure or tonal profile?

10.31219/osf.io/fh95w ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Natália Brambatti Guzzo ◽

Heather Goad ◽

Guilherme Duarte Garcia

Keyword(s):

Alternative Hypothesis ◽

Foot Structure ◽

Initial Syllable ◽

Quebec French ◽

Previous Proposal ◽

Vowel Deletion ◽

Previous studies have argued that high vowel deletion (HVD) in Québec French is constrained by iterative iambic footing (Guzzo, Goad & Garcia 2016, Garcia, Goad & Guzzo 2017; see also Verluyten 1982), since it preferentially applies in even-numbered syllables from the right edge of the word. In this paper, we compare this hypothesis with an alternative hypothesis: HVD is constrained by the optionally-realized phrase-initial H tone (Jun & Fougeron 2000, Thibault & Ouellet 1996). We report on a judgement task in which two- and four-syllable nouns with HVD in the initial syllable are placed in phrases of different profiles (No determiner, Determiner + noun, Determiner + adjective + noun). If tonal profile plays a role in HVD, HVD in four-syllable nouns in phrases where the noun is in isolation or preceded by a determiner alone should be dispreferred, since the initial syllable of the noun is assigned the optional H tone in these contexts. Our results do not confirm this: HVD is favored in four-syllable nouns over two-syllable nouns, regardless of phrase type. We explain this finding by expanding our previous proposal: HVD is regulated by foot structure, but is dispreferred when it targets the head foot (where the obligatory phrase-final prominence is realized).

What motivates high vowel deletion in Québec French: Foot structure or tonal profile?

Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America ◽

10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4306 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 3 (1) ◽

pp. 11

Author(s):

Natália Brambatti Guzzo ◽

Heather Goad ◽

Guilherme D. Garcia

Keyword(s):

Alternative Hypothesis ◽

Foot Structure ◽

Initial Syllable ◽

Quebec French ◽

Previous Proposal ◽

Vowel Deletion ◽

Previous studies have argued that high vowel deletion (HVD) in Québec French is constrained by iterative iambic footing (Guzzo, Goad & Garcia 2016, Garcia, Goad & Guzzo 2017; see also Verluyten 1982), since it preferentially applies in even-numbered syllables from the right edge of the word. In this paper, we compare this hypothesis with an alternative hypothesis: HVD is constrained by the optionally-realized phrase-initial H tone (Jun & Fougeron 2000, Thibault & Ouellet 1996). We report on a judgement task in which two- and four-syllable nouns with HVD in the initial syllable are placed in phrases of different profiles (No determiner, Determiner + noun, Determiner + adjective + noun). If tonal profile plays a role in HVD, HVD in four-syllable nouns in phrases where the noun is in isolation or preceded by a determiner alone should be dispreferred, since the initial syllable of the noun is assigned the optional H tone in these contexts. Our results do not confirm this: HVD is favored in four-syllable nouns over two-syllable nouns, regardless of phrase type. We explain this finding by expanding our previous proposal: HVD is regulated by foot structure, but is dispreferred when it targets the head foot (where the obligatory phrase-final prominence is realized).

High vowel distribution and trochaic markedness in Québécois

The Linguistic Review ◽

10.1515/tlr-2016-0009 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 34 (1) ◽

pp. 39-82

Author(s):

Yulia Bosworth

Keyword(s):

Minimum Light ◽

Foot Structure ◽

Left Branch ◽

Weight Value ◽

Variable Distribution ◽

Quebec French ◽

High Vowels ◽

Abstract This paper argues for quantity-sensitive, trochaic foot structure in Québécois French, which allows for a unified prosodic account of the variable distribution of tenseness of high vowels in non-final syllables. Following Montreuil (Montreuil, Jean-Pierre. 2004a. Fragmenting weight in Scottish English. In Monica Pulki (ed.), La tribune internationale des langues vivantes, 36, 114–22. Paris. Montreuil, Jean-Pierre. 2004b. The Computation of weight in English and in Québec French. First PAC Workshop 23–24 April 2004, Université de Toulouse le Mirail.) a grammatical, sonority-based surface weight distinction is assumed for Québécois French vowels, with tense high vowels associated to a full mora µ, while lax high vowels are associated to a hypomora λ, a weight value less than µ. The weight is shown to be regulated at the level of the minimally monomoraic foot, which can be expanded to include an adjacent syllable in words consisting of more than two syllables, following the proposed Trochaic Markedness Hierarchy, based on the following three ranked principles: 1) quantitative minimum: light and heavy rimes are preferred to superlight (λ) rimes, 2) quantitative evenness: even trochees are preferred to uneven trochees, and 3) quantitative dominance: the left branch that is heavier than the right branch is preferred to the left branch that is lighter. Possible shapes of the trochee are shown to be aligned with alternating surface realizations of high vowels.

On some constraints on right dislocation in Japanese

Journal of Japanese Linguistics ◽

10.1515/jjl-2018-0018 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 34 (2) ◽

pp. 303-326

Author(s):

Tomoyuki Yoshida ◽

Misaki Harada

Keyword(s):

The Other ◽

Main Function ◽

Syntactic Structures ◽

The Right ◽

Phonological Phrase ◽

Additional Constraints

AbstractThis paper takes up some constraints on right dislocation in Japanese (JRD) and shows that some of them are sensitive to the presence of an overt correlate for the right-dislocated element while others are not. Adopting a commonly proposed biclausal analysis of JRD, we propose that there are two ways to derive JRD patterns. One involves movement of the right-dislocated element and the other involves no such movement. We show how these two derivations account for island sensitivity and the interpretation of nominal modifiers and adverbs in JRD. The main function of overt correlates in all these cases is to signal where dislocated elements should be interpreted in various syntactic structures. For constraints that are not affected by the presence of overt correlates, we focus on the ones related to phonological phrasing and domains to which multiple RD applies. We show that a binarity constraint can be observed, where it is required for right-dislocated elements to be grouped into two phonological phrases. We then discuss two additional constraints on multiple RD: one on the composition of elements in a phonological phrase, and the other on the domain where multiple RD takes place.

Implementasi UML Dan Grennfoot Untuk Membangun Aplikasi Pengucapan Bahasa Inggris

Jurnal Teknologi Informasi, Komputer, dan Aplikasinya (JTIKA ) ◽

10.29303/jtika.v1i2.53 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 1 (2) ◽

Author(s):

Wire Bagye

Keyword(s):

English Language ◽

Native Speakers ◽

Native Speaker ◽

Object Oriented Programming ◽

English Learning ◽

Test Results ◽

Recording Material ◽

English Pronunciation ◽

Black Box Testing ◽

One of the materials in the English Language course is listening, namely the skill of hearing the pronunciation of English sentences. Learning listening must use native speaker or recording material so that the pronunciation is heard according to the original. If you use the course participants as a sound source, there is a high probability of mistakes in the pronunciation of words or sentences. Then an application is needed to help with course activities as tutors or native speakers in giving correct English pronunciation. In this research, English Pronunciation Application was built using the Greenfoot Application with the object oriented programming concept. This application is to help pronoun learning that can output audio when the object clicked. The development method uses SDLC, application modeling uses UML and testing using Black-box testing. The English pronunciation application is compiled into a .jar file so that it can be run on a computer with a Windows operating system that has JDK installed. The test results show that this English learning application can replace tutors, produce the right audio, and can replace native speakers. This can be seen from the results of the questionnaire showing 82%.

First and Second Language Patterns of Brain Activation in Korean Layrngeal Contrasts

Korean Linguistics ◽

10.1075/kl.14.01hp ◽

2008 ◽

Vol 14 ◽

pp. 1-19 ◽

Cited By ~ 8

Author(s):

Haeil Park ◽

Gregory Iverson

Keyword(s):

Second Language ◽

Native Speakers ◽

Occipital Lobe ◽

Brain Regions ◽

Second Language Speakers ◽

Significant Difference ◽

Native Speakers Of English ◽

Specific Activities ◽

The Right ◽

The Brain

Abstract. This study aims to localize the brain regions involved in the apprehension of Korean laryngeal contrasts and to investigate whether the Internal Model advanced by Callan et al. (2004) extends to first versus second language perception of these unique three-way laryngeal distinctions. The results show that there is a significant difference in activation between native and second-language speakers, consistent with the findings of Callan et al. Specific activities unique to younger native speakers of Korean relative to native speakers of English were seen in the cuneus (occipital lobe) and the right middle frontal gyrus (Brodmann Area [BA] 10), areas of the brain associated with pitch perception. The current findings uphold Silva's (2006) conclusion that the laryngeal contrasts of Korean are increasingly distinguished less by VOT differences than by their effect on pitch in the following vowel. A subsequent experiment was conducted to establish whether more traditional, older native speakers of Korean who still make clear VOT distinctions also activate both the cuneus and BA 10 in the same task. Preliminary results indicate that they do not, whereas speakers with overlapping VOT distinctions do show intersecting activations in these areas, thus corroborating Silva's claim of emergent pitch sensitivity in the Korean laryngeal system.

Quantified Optimality and the Phonological Parsing of Korean Sov Sentences

Korean Linguistics ◽

10.1075/kl.12.02djs ◽

2004 ◽

Vol 12 ◽

pp. 25-54

Author(s):

David J. Silva

Keyword(s):

Optimality Theory ◽

Quantitative Data ◽

Native Speakers ◽

Native Speaker ◽

Theoretical Framework ◽

Complete Agreement ◽

Rating Data ◽

Variable Nature ◽

The Subject ◽

Abstract. In an attempt to understand the variable nature of phonological phrasing in Korean, this study analyzes intuitional judgments of 53 native speakers of Korean who evaluated possible phonological phrasings of simple Subject-Object-Verb sentences: [S]-[OV], [SO]-[V], [SOV], and [S]-[O]-[V]. Analysis of the quantified rating data reveals a strong preference for a subject-predicate phrasing ([S]-[OV]) and a distinct dispreference for the phrasing in which the subject and object were grouped into a single phonological constituent ([SO]-[V]). These preferences are then analyzed in the context of a constraint-based theoretical framework; by extending the Optimality Theory (OT) notion of "ranking" to include not only constraints but also candidates, we corroborate the existence of preference patterns in native-speaker intuitions regarding the phrasing of [SOV]. These patterns are explained by referencing three putatively universal constraints that govern the phonological phrase formation: one that aligns phonological phrases with syntactic phrases, a second that requires phonological phrases to be binary branching, and a third that limits the weight of phonological phrases to five syllables. Although the quantitative data and the proposed OT account are not in complete agreement, the account put forward should encourage further research into a more comprehensive integration of variation studies and OT.

The Foot is not an obligatory constituent of the Prosodic Hierarchy: “stress” in Turkish, French and child English

The Linguistic Review ◽

10.1515/tlr-2016-0008 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 34 (1) ◽

pp. 157-213 ◽

Cited By ~ 5

Author(s):

Öner Özçelik

Keyword(s):

Regular Word ◽

Prosodic Structure ◽

Opposite Edge ◽

Early Child ◽

Prosodic Word ◽

Foot Structure ◽

Edge Stress ◽

AbstractThis paper proposes that the presence/absence of the Foot is parametric; that is, contra much previous research (see e. g. Selkirk, Elisabeth (1995). Sentence prosody: intonation, stress and phrasing. In J. Goldsmith (ed.)The handbook of phonological theory. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. 550–569., Vogel, Irene (2009). Universals of prosodic structure. In S. Scalise, E. Magni, & A. Bisetto (eds.)Universals of language today. Dordrecht: Springer. 59–82.), it is argued here that the Foot is not a universal constituent of the Prosodic Hierarchy; rather, some languages, such as Turkish and French, as well as early child languages, are footless. Several types of evidence are presented in support of this proposal, from both Turkish and French, as well as child English. A comparison of regular (word-final) and exceptional stress in Turkish reveals, for example, that regular “stress” is intonational prominence falling on the last syllable of prosodic words in the absence of foot structure. Both acoustic and formal evidence are presented in support of this proposal, as well as evidence from syntax-prosody interface. The paper also presents evidence for the footless status of French, which, unlike Turkish, is proposed to be completely footless. Several arguments are presented in support of this position, such as the fact that, in French, the domain of obligatory prominence is the Phonological Phrase (PPh), not the Prosodic Word (PWd); in a PPh consisting of several PWds, therefore, nonfinal PWds can surface without any kind of stress or prominence, suggesting that, at least for non-final PWds, one cannot assume stress or foot structure. Finally, the proposal is extended to additional languages, such as those demonstrating Default-to-Opposite Edge stress.