Networks of International Relations, Structural Power, and China’s Belt and Road Initiative

Reminiscent of the ancient Silk Road formed during the Han Dynasty, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) evokes powerful memories of China’s glorious past and has significant implications on international relations. Through a network analysis approach, this paper critically examines how and under what conditions the BRI is able to shape the structure of geo-economic and geopolitical interactions in China’s image. Given the highly interdependent nature of the world today, a country’s ability to exert geo-economic and geopolitical power in the international system will not only depend on its inherent economic and military capabilities, but also its position in global networks. This paper analyzes the dynamic evolution of China’s network centrality in trade and security affairs from 1990 to 2014, drawing on novel data from the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the Alliance Treaty Obligations and Provisions Project (ATOP). This paper argues that the BRI is likely to further enhance China’s central position in trade and global value chains (GVCs), but the overall structure of international security arrangements would remain largely unchanged, with the West still being highly dominant despite China’s rising political and military influence. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach and leveraging research on network science, international political economy, and security studies, this paper employs a structural perspective in understanding the geo-economic and geopolitical consequences of the BRI.

Gender sensitivity of the Serbian parliament: Mapping the power of women MPs

Mapping the power of women MPs in the Serbian Parliament, through the analysis of the membership and the leadership of the Parliament and parliamentary committees, indicates that women MPs dominate the socio-cultural cluster of the committees, as well as foreign affairs and European integration committees. Women MPs are increasingly more visible in legislative-judiciary committees, while interior, defence and security affairs committees and minimally open to their membership. There is a growing trend of engaging women MPs in committees for ecology, then in trade and finance and, to a lesser extent, in infrastructure. Institutional gender sensitivity of the Serbian Parliament is still inadequate, and changes to the Rules of Procedure and the Code of Conduct are necessary in order to introduce gender-sensitive rules and procedures.

India and China in the Indian Ocean: Changing Dimensions of Maritime Strategy

In Asian and global power politics a maritime strategic angle concentrates on the value of fortifying and controlling sea lines of communications (SLOCs) for stability, economic growth, and development of nations. Consequently, both India and China are snooping to control SLOCs and safeguard their emergent and escalating worldwide interests. The advancement in and expansion of naval power satisfies the corresponding nationalist aspirations of Beijing and New Delhi. As a result, the development of their maritime capabilities would have a greater impact on the naval security architecture in the Indian Ocean. The hike in Chinese engagements across the Indian Ocean widely known as the String of Pearl’s stratagem is principally stimulated by a policy of maritime encirclement of India. Struggle to secure tactical energy resources which are quickly revolutionizing their navies could induce clashes and have major repercussions for global security affairs. Harmonious handling of both China’s and India’s cooperation will be crucial for regional as well as international peace and opulence shortly and everyone looks upon a fabulous Asia reflected in the world. Thus, this paper analyses the underlying factors that motivate both countries to have ambitious objectives in the Indian Ocean and could find out that securing energy is one of the driving forces in securing maritime dominance across the Indian Ocean.

Cyber legalism: why it fails and what to do about it

Western nations face a glaring punishment problem in the cyber domain. Repeatedly, other nations assail their political and economic interests. Repeatedly, Western leaders warn about the gravity of such actions. And yet repeatedly, the victims failed to punish to deter the offenders. This article examines why and how this situation arose and what to do about it. The Western approach to cyber conflict prevention emphasizes the centrality of existing international law and norms. The legal and normative framework is not adequate for this purpose, however, because it does not provide sufficient grounds to credibly respond to actions falling short of war. Consequently, the Western approach has failed spectacularly. It fails to grasp a central truth about contemporary security affairs: much of modern interstate rivalry fits neither the destructive criteria of war nor the acceptable boundaries of peaceful rivalry. Rather, it is unpeace, or mid-spectrum rivalry that is more damaging than traditional peacetime activity, but not physically violent like war. Nations use cyberspace to achieve some of the political and strategic objectives of war without firing a single gun. The lack of an effective Western response betrays not tolerance of aggression but a failure to devise a response strategy commensurate with the legal and doctrinal ambiguities of unpeace. Existing law and norms are a source of the problem, not its solution. An interim solution must be found instead in the development of new doctrine—in a consequentialist strategy that affects adversaries’ material interests to deter actions which international law and security strategy do not ordinarily recognize as deserving a strong response.

THE PEACEMAKING PEACEBUILDING-DEVELOPMENT NEXUS: MARRYING SOUTH AFRICA'S PEACE DIPLOMACY AND DEVELOPMENT AGENDA

South Africa has often been lauded as an influential and pivotal actor inpeace and security affairs on the evolving African peace and security architecture. The centrality of Africa in South Africa's foreign policy has driven its exercise of peace diplomacy in a significant number of conflicts in Africa; where its mode of engagement has ranged from mediation to peacekeeping and post-conflict reconstruction and development assistance. Concomitant to its peace actor profile, South Africa's repertoire as an emerging development partner also forms a large part of its African agenda. The embedding of sustainable peace as a goal in the post2015 development agenda and the enduring relevance of the securitydevelopment nexus continue to exert profound influence on the parameters and conduct of South Africa's foreign policy and its pointedly Afro-centric agenda. This article argues for greater integration and harmonisation between South Africa's peace diplomacy and its development partnership agenda through the formulation of a peacebuilding and stabilisation strategy.

Immigration Supervision Of Refugees And Mandiri Suaka Searchers In The Eks Komando Building, Military District, West Jakarta

The problem of asylum seekers and refugees in Indonesia has become a national problem that needs to be addressed seriously by relevant institutions such as: Immigration Law Human Rights Ministry, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Coordinating Ministry for Political, Legal, and Security Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, Ministry of Home Affairs, local government, TNI, Polri as well as various International and National Organizations, religious leaders, community leaders and so on . Apart from being able to cause a situation that is not conducive to society so that it can create its own unrest, this situation can also threaten the country's sovereignty and security. Supervision and law enforcement have begun to be drafted in clear regulations as well as solid governance and institutional management so that there is clarity regarding the supervision and presence of refugees from entering Indonesia to become refugees, resettlement and final reject in real action.

Multinational security coalitions and the limits of middle power activism in the Middle East: the Saudi case

This article examines Saudi Arabia's decision in recent years to use novel and hitherto unexplored informal alliance formats, which we term multinational security coalitions (MSCs). This development was initiated by the new Saudi political leadership under King Salman and Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman, who have a much greater inclination to pursue proactive foreign and security policies than their predecessors. However, it will be highlighted that beyond the priorities of individual personalities, this shift in Saudi Arabia's behaviour occurred against the backdrop of significant changes in the existing security environment, including the perceived withdrawal of the United States from the security affairs of the region during the presidency of Barack Obama, and crucially also Saudi Arabia's frustration over the failure of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to develop into a viable security mechanism. The article begins with the introduction of the key ideas relating to institutional design, the conceptual framework for this study. Section two outlines the most important reasons for Saudi Arabia's choice of the MSC format. The third section examines the strengths of the MSC format-especially informality, the resulting low entry-thresholds and the low risk of entrapment-that provided Saudi Arabia with partial and temporary success in recruiting coalition partners and thus bolstering its leadership role. The final section demonstrates, however, that ultimately MSCs are not a panacea. The informality of MSCs that makes it easy for the pivotal state to assemble a coalition also makes it hard for it to forge, and enforce, a common vision.